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Back to the package, every time
by Foxwatch
Millennium time is as good a time as any to take stock of the traumatic events of the past three weeks. Intense emotion and confusion are not the best conditions in which to jump to conclusions. A dispassionate second look is warranted.
Public Perception
In the aftermath of the assassination attempt on the President, and the powerful Presidential speeches which followed, it was generally assumed that the President and her government had decided that enough was enough, and that, to quote her acceptance speech on December 22, "Let all those who aid and abet terror be warned, let those who by act or omission support terror be warned, let those who secretly or openly condone the path of violence pursued by the cowards of the LTTE be warned: the days of terror in this land are numbered and the number is small. Let all citizens of this country... be warned that this Government will not for one second be deterred from taking the strongest possible action against anyone who supports terror."
Stirring stuff which struck a responsive chord in a population dismayed by governments (both UNP and PA) pussy-footing over the LTTE. The comment was heard over and over again, "Thank goodness the President has taken a strong line and decided to defeat the LTTE."
This would have been the logical point for a rousing call to defeat the LTTE once and for all, and remove the sword of Damocles which hangs over any southern leader, of whatever party, who is perceived by the LTTE as a threat to their plans to set up an independent Eelam The country, outraged by the assassination attempt, would have followed en masse a call by a charismatic President, regardless of party. Even the double-tongued Western patrons of the LTTE would have found it hard to object.
Lost Moment
But Sri Lanka, throughout the northern insurgency, has shown a tragic inability to seize the moment. Instead of a rousing call to wipe out the LTTE, the speech fizzles out in a call to the LTTE youth to "convince your leaders that hatred is not the solution to any human problem", and an apeal to "our Tamil brothers and sisters" to "use every ounce of influence... to bring Mr. Prabhakaran to the negotiating table."
So only the specific outcome of the fiery address turns out to be a plea to the architect of the botched assassination to sit and talk peace with the intended victim. Prabhakaran is being rewarded for his terrorism. When British PM Mrs. Thatcher was asked in Sri Lanka for her advice on dealing with terrorism, she said it all in seven words: "Terrorism must never be seen to win. " Speaking in Karachi many years later, Mrs. Thatcher said, "..we should never concede more to those who threaten us with the gun than we would to those who promote their views through the ballot box." Sadly, terrorism is being seen to win in Sri Lanka.
Package Resurgent
The invitation to peace talks, it turns out, is linked to the package and to mediators/facilitators. Although there was no mention of the package in the acceptance speech, news filtered through via an AFP report on the President’s interview with the BBC, published in the Daily News of December 31. AFP is quoted as having reported that the President intends to use the mandate she won in the poll to devolve power to Tamil dominated areas, despite not having the two-thirds majority in Parliament needed to do so. The AFP reported the President as having said, ‘There is an acceptable democratic, slightly extra-legal constitutional way of doing it the mandate I have got is enough for that... "
What is the "slightly extra-legal constitutional way" of devolving power to Tamil dominated areas? An interview with "the Presidential Candidate of the People’s Alliance" published in the Daily News of December 11, contains a clue. To quote. "I shall take all necessary steps to abolish and discard the existing constitution adopted in 1978, And going outside the scope and limits of that constitution shall, with duly elected representatives of the people, sitting within Parliament or any other suitable place. And themselves deciding on the rules and procedures for the functioning of such assembly, draw up and adopt a new constitution for the Republic of Sri Lanka.. This new Constitution... shall have among its priority goals the genuine and meaningful devolution of power to the regions to bring about a solution to the long drawn out ethnic crisis, ending this war that is draining our nation’s resources, ensuring peace, freedom, democracyÉ I seek your mandate through which you will empower me to set in motion the aforementioned process of introducing a new Constitution..." Evidently a Constituent Assembly is being contemplated.
Facilitators Unveiled
There is another revelation in the BBC interview. The President said, "Since mid-1997 I have agreed to two international facilitators, who have been shuttling up and down between the LTTE and my government trying to bring them to the negotiating table. They have refused completely." The negotiators, we are told, were Chief Anyoku, Secretary — General of the Commonwealth (now apparently rejected by the LTTE) and the Norwegian government.
Dangerous Obsession
The unmistakable message is that, whatever atrocities are committed against government leaders, or civilians, it is the package which is uppermost in government policy. Indeed, atrocities, instead of being punished, seem to spur the government on to accelerate its efforts to pass the package. This obsessive attachment to the package ha dangerous implications. From a negotiating point of view, it demonstrates a certain desperation and weakness which the LTTE will be quick to exploit by stepping up their attacks, secure in the knowledge that the only response will be more cries from the package lobby to introduce the package.
Suicidal Pursuit
So we face the menace of the Unholy Trinity of peace talks, mediators who are in the pocket of the LTTE, and the lethal new Constitution aka package. Their pursuit is so suicidal in our context that it is difficult to understand why they are still supported by some quarters. The probable reason is widespread public apathy plus ignorance of what peace talks and the package entail. Some pitfall are explained below.
Peace Talks
A worse time to plead with the LTTE to negotiate can hardly be imagined. The army has suffered reverses, and the brittleness of the country’s political structure and security system has been exposed. The government would be negotiating from weakness and the LTTE from strength.
Let all the innocents who urge peace talks to end the war take note that Prabhakaran has already indicated his readiness to have peace talks. In his Heroes’ Day message of November 27, 1999, he said, "I made an announcement last year [1998] in my Martyrs’ Day message that we were prepared for peace talks with the assistance of international third party mediation." The peaceniks had been ecstatic then, as they were when Prabhakaran repeated his call in his November 1999 speech. But read on. Prabhakaran continues: "we have emphasised the necessity for creating certain objective conditions conducive for peace talks. We explained very clearly that these objective conditions entail a situation of normalcy free from military aggression, occupation, and economic strangulation of the Tamil nation." Later in the message, Prabhakaran, who must now have a healthy respect for the thickness of Sinhala skulls, spells out the conditions in terms clear to the meanest intelligence: "We wish to re-iterate that peace talks should be held in a cordial peaceful atmosphere .. By peaceful atmosphere we mean a condition of normality characterised by cessation of hostilities, withdrawal of troops occupying Tamil lands and the absence of economic blockades." In other words, he will have peace talks if there is a ceasefire, if the army withdraws from the North and the East, if the government provides him with items such as batteries used to kill and maim soldiers, and if he can ship arms and men freely from Tamil Nadu.
If such conditions are accepted, what would be left to talk about? The LTTE’s aims would have been conceded even before talks begin. Have any of the business tycoons who have so rapturously endorsed peace talks ever negotiated on such terms in their own businesses? But if past form is a guide, Prabhakaran will talk piously about a peaceful atmosphere, and clerical and other emissaries will swoon with delight and proclaim him to be a man of peace.
But, it may be argued, government would never agree to such conditions. The Presidential interview with the BBC reveals that the government very nearly did in 1994-95. To quote: "We had a honeymoon period of eight months discussing with them. We gave everything the LTTE asked for which was good for the people of Jaffna and the North. We only didn’t withdraw the Army. We said if the talks are going well we will withdraw the Army." One cannot therefore rule out a negotiating catastrophe under pressure, especially since we do not have negotiators anywhere near the calibre of those of the LTTE. Remember that peace talks are not new, that governments have gained nothing and conceded much, and that the main result has been to condemn thousands of brave servicemen to death and maiming.
Package In a Nutshell
Now for the proposed new Constitution a.k.a. package. Much has been written of its dangers, but it seems to be accepted uncritically by many as a panacea, although it is a safe bet that hardly any of its supporters have not even read its text. The dangers of the package therefore need to be presented once again, as briefly as possible.
In a nutshell, the devolution package consists of a massive transfer of power from centre to several Regional Councils, of which two — the Northern and Eastern — will be merged. The consequent restructuring of legislative, executive, judicial, police and territorial powers is so extensive that it requires a new Constitution to validate them. Once enshrined in the Constitution, it would be virtually impossible in practice to make any course corrections if unforeseen consequences emerge.
Dangers of the Package
The opposition to the package is due not to aversion to devolution per se, but to the extraordinary extent of devolution in the package, amounting to abdication of power. The package irrevocably transfers so much power to Regions that the Centre would be rendered impotent, and would be unable to maintain the integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. Regions would be provided through the new Constitution with the institutions and the legal basis of statehood - legislatures, executives, judiciary, certain powers of taxation, exclusive power over law and order, their own police forces, and ownership of what is presently state land. Ostensible safeguards against rebellion turn out on examination to be illusory. Opponents of devolution are convinced that instead of bringing peace, the package would only facilitate a final push by the LTTE and the Tamil parties for a separate state of Tamil Eelam, which would lead to a much bigger conflict than at present.
Stepping Stone, not Panacea
Package-pushers "gloss over the fact that although the package is promoted as the panacea for peace, it has not been accepted by any of its intended beneficiaries or their patrons. The LTTE has rejected it, probably in the Knowledge that rejection will produce an even more reckless offer. Other Tamil parties, and foreign governments who have been permitted to interfere in our internal affairs, see it as just another stepping stone - to be precise, as a basis for further negotiation! Further proof of storms ahead is the fact that even before the package has been presented, Tamil parties have floated the idea of Confederation, which goes beyond the package.
Professor: Devolution Unlikely To end Conflict
Any illusions about the package bringing peace were dispelled by the learned Professor himself. Responding to issues raised on the package, Professor Peiris made a categorical statement of enormous significance in an article in the Sunday Observer of August 10, 1997 "... If the question that is raised is whether the armed conflict with the LTTE will come to an end as soon as the proposed system of devolution becomes part of the country’s constitution then the answer, of course, is that such an outcome is most unlikely on any objective appraisal of the current situationÉ" The Professor went on to explain that devolution will "provide a firm foundation for the renewed effort to achieve peace" which will "create the conditions that will eventually lead to the cessation of the armed struggle of the LTTE", but that "The process by which this is achieved may be long and hard." Also that "The proposed system of devolution does not claim to offer an instant solution to the ongoing armed conflict between the Government and the LTTE" This statement was repeated by the Professor in the Daily News supplement of August 19, 1997 commemorating the third anniversary of the People’s Alliance.
Deadly Euphemisms
One must beware too of the use of ei[je,os,s to trick a gullible nation which has proved particularly susceptible to deception. Three deadly euphemisms in particular deserve honourable mention - Prabhakaran’s "peaceful atmosphere" (virtual surrender, dealt with above) the Thimpu principles, and confederation.
The Thimpu principles are sometimes advanced by the supporters of Eelam and NGOs. The principles consist of -
1. recognition of the Tamils as a nation
2. recognition of a defined area in the north-east as the traditional homeland of the Tamils
3. recognition of the right of the Tamils to self-determination.
Thimpu principles 1 and 2 above, combined with 3—the right of self-determination — obviously constitute the Eelam wolf in sheep’s clothing.
Confederation is also presented as a reasonable alternative to Eelam, although it in fact goes even further than the package. What is involved is a confederation of two states, each with its Prime Minister and government, with a common President.
Commitment to Eelam
Could Prabhakaran be suddenly overcome with remorse and abandon the goal of Eelam? Not a bettable proposition. In the November 1999 Heroes Day speech he says, "Years ago our people made a decision that an independent Tamil state of Tamil Eelam is the only and the final solution to our national conflict."
Consider also expert Indian opinion. In "Assignment Colombo" (pp 320-321) former Indian High Commissioner Dixit wrote "(Prabhakaran)" commitment to the creation of a Tamil Eelam, in my judgement, is unalterable... He is incapable of compromise and if he does, it has been ...only for interim tactical purposes... I do not see any prospect of his accepting a compromise with the Sinhalese government."
Professor Stantey Kalpage, Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in India from 1989 to 1991, recalled, in his book "Mission to India" (p. 69) what Rajiv Gandhi had told him: "Tell Mr. Premadasa not to trust Prabhakaran... his ambitions are far beyond any kind of devolution that a Government in Sri Lanka could give".
As Prabhakaran said in his Heroes Day message of 1995, "Our martyrs have died for the cause of liberating this land from the shackles of alien domination and transforming it into an independent sovereign nation..." His outlook has not changed an iota since.
Role of the UNP
What then of the call to the UNP to "join this government. (and) ...to honour now by your action the commitment ...to this nation’s peace, without compromising in any way with those who attempt to sow terror even for narrow political gains." No details were forthcoming in the acceptance speech about what precisely was expected of the UNP.
In the absence of specifics, the chorus of enthusiasm at the prospect of joint PA-UNP manoeuvres is not only premature but also irrational. Joint PA-UNP action would be beneficial to the country only if it is in the national interest. Much good would come from a concerted effort to destroy the LTTE. Irreparable harm would result from a joint PA-UNP vote to adopt the proposed new Constitution — and one suspects that the UNP’s only role would be to raise their hands to provide a two-thirds Parliamentary majority.
Voice in the Wilderness
In sum, we start the Millennium with a craven response to LTTE atrocities, and obsessive, suicidal, ill-timed pursuit of peace talks and the package.
Amidst the gloom, it is a relief to hear a voice of common sense. According to the Sunday Island of January 2, the Army Commander, addressing his officers at Army Headquarters to mark the millennium, remarked that it was necessary to crush terrorism militarily to bring about lasting peace in the country.
He got it exactly right. Lasting peace is the name of the game.
Kumar Ponnambalam — uncompromising human rights warrior
By M. Somasundram
Fifty years ago, inspired by Eleanor Roosevelt, the United Nations approved the sweetest document of humanity: the Charter on Human Rights. Its essence was the right to a life lived in dignity. Little attention was given to its implementation though. But in the last two decades the time for its acceptance had come. A renewed effort was made to give meaning to the charter. The negative was, when desirable and popular movements come into their own, a bunch of self-seekers and charlatans come visiting, to take over for their own benefit. But there are also dedicated activists who make it their life’s mission to raise the level of humanity even though, by doing so, they may pay with their lives. Kumar Ponnambalam was one such joining a lengthening list of human rights martyrs. He was a one- man movement who gave support to his cowed and anaesthesised community. He gave voice to the voiceless trying to touch the hearts of the heartless. His community turned up in their thousands for his funeral, though many had not known him personally, to salute and bid tearful farewell.
Sri Lanka, shares with many countries in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa, a melancholy reputation of being an egregious abuser of human rights making her a grim example of the downside of democracy. The civilised concept of the rule of law, inherited from the British by the government of newly independent Sri Lanka, was abruptly shattered, in 1956, by a new populist government determined to introduce an exclusivist view of the polity. This roused historical enmities which the colonial powers had kept under control for 500 years. The aged and venerated leaders of protest, who responded to the exclusion of their community with a peaceful, non-violent satyagraha, were set upon by a group of raving jingoists, sustained by the studied indifference of the defenders of the rights of association- the police. From indifference to the degeneration, where the state itself engages in terrorism-valuing all human rights at nought- was but a short step. The 1971,1988-89 rightful protests by the marginalised southern youth were bloodily suppressed. The rightful protests of the marginalised and discriminated northern youth are now undergoing the same treatment. In this atmosphere of terror Kumar Ponnambalam tried to be an anodyne influence to mitigate its worst manifestations.
Kumar Ponnambalam had a lone double task. The first was to fight unrepresentative political parties, from his own community, claiming a spurious status based on legal manoeuvre. The second was to fight an unresponsive majoritarian government determined to wage war on his community. In return for thirty pieces of silver the unrepresentative political parties had joined hands with the government in this war. This is not strange. Petain of France and his group had joined hands with Hitler. They enjoyed their thirty pieces of silver wearing the crown of thorns as a fashion fad.
It was Kumar Ponnambalam who filled the vacuum in his community. Blatant human rights abuses, the Krishanthi Kumaraswamy rape and murder, the 700 certified ‘disappearances’ in Jaffna, the Kokadichcholai massacre, the Chemmani graves were conveniently brushed under the carpet by the non-representative political parties. It was Kumar Ponnambalam, by sheer dint of persistent probing and publicity, who was able to present these violations to the world and thereby compelled the international community to get engaged in Sri Lanka. He exposed the scandal of the Kalutara remand gaol, where thousands of political detainees from his community were kept, for years, without charges being framed. When they showed their gratitude for his intervention by raising mourning flags to commemorate his funeral the authorities shot three of them dead and injured scores. He was instrumental in drawing attention to the nutritional and medicinal deprivation in the foetid refugee camps to which the Wanni people had been herded. He provided balancing evidence, to the regular meetings of the UN Commission on Refugee Rights held in Geneva. This hard evidence countered the propaganda whitewash of the government. He was ceaselessly active in press, radio and TV discussions presenting the true facts of human rights abuses. No government was happy with him. He was not merely a thorn but a security threat to as happy with him. He was not merely a thorn but a security threat to their legitimacy. Despite increasing death threats he continued to plough his lonely and hazardousfurrow?
Why do such men work at the brink, at such risk to themselves, indifferent to Darwinian survival instincts? He was born in the lap of luxury to the highest bracket in the richest segment in Sri Lanka. He could enjoy life. But a deep fundamental humanity sustained him. Human beings were individuals who had to be treated with dignity irrespective of class, ethnicity or education levels. The cavalier treatment of human rights in Sri Lanka was deeply offensive to his personality. To deal with these breaches if not he, who? If not now, when? He held it dear that the highest form of devotion is being of service to the people. As for those who oppress the people, whatever their earthly enjoyment for the nonce, their time will come, as it would for all sentient beings. When it does, they could only peep about in search of dishonourable graves, widely reviled by their constituents, whom they had so grossly exploited.
While it is understandable, though not excusable, as to why political groups had become lapdogs and collaborators in government oppression of their own people, the indifference of the NGO sector to the most recent human rights violations is less explainable. The editors of ‘Satana’ and ‘Thinamurasu’ newspapers were gunned down. Kumar Ponnambalam was the third. There was a period in the past when such events were the norm, Richard Zoysa being the symbol, but it was felt that this period was mercifully over. It now appears that it was only dormant to re-appear in a more virulent and vicious form. Human rights NGO’s, who made it a point to condemn these earlier happenings, were eloquently silent about the recent three. Silence itself is collusion. Where is the NGO conscience? The bitter truth has to be faced. It has gone the way of all flesh. It is now savouring donor kebab. However, to deal with residual anorexic concerns for human rights, it has restricted itself to holding safe seminars on the subject, in 5 star hotels, where it intellectualises on normative human rights issues when the need is for activism. In these seminars, if reality intrudes, then it is held that reality should be changed.
Kumar Ponnambalam was not an intellectual of this arid type. He was an activist interested in getting results. He thought like a doer and did like a thinker. This pragmatic approach was much appreciated the evidence being that the University of Jaffna closed for two days in his memory.
In the present bleak period he stands out, like Liyanaarachchi, who too paid with his life in the 1988-89 southern events. But it is a mistake to think that the current human rights onslaught can be partitioned and hermetically sealed, abuses being restricted to one community. They would eventually spread engulfing all of Sri Lanka. Disturbing indications are already emerging of a new ‘dirty war’ having started. It is best that urgent attention be given, by all uncompromised Sri Lankans, to devising prophylactic measures, which if they cannot prevent human rights abuses, could adopt activist stances when they do occur. These could be immediate investigation and publicity and the exploration, to the optimum, of available judicial remedies. Serious thought should also be given to establishing a Kumar Ponnambalam Institute of Human Rights (KUPIHUR) that would adopt such activist stances. This institute would extend his lifework. Once established KUPIHUR’s immediate objective should be to offer legal assistance to the many political detainees languishing in remand in Kalutara only for the lack of financial means. It is imperative that KUPIHUR should be an inclusive institution which serves all communities of Sri Lanka when there are human rights abuses and not be exclusively restricted to serving one community.
Kumar Ponnambalam has completed his mortal span and is now beyond touch. Yet, his activist life in support of a noble cause-of giving dignity to a human being- should be the occasion for each individual to reflect, who one was, now is and should be. This self-examination would be particularly relevant to human rights NGO’s. Are they solely in the business of careerist self- advancement or do they have a social function?
In the troublesome days in which we are now living and possibly worse days to come, where midnight darkness could break at dawn, it would be an abdication of what it is to be human to succumb to existentialist despair or seek inert solace in the next world. We make our own lives and we make our own world. Kumar Ponnambalam’s voice is stilled but the example he set, of standing in defense of the helpless and the suppressed gives ballast to the essential nobility of the human personality. He demonstrated that we should make our own world of dignity irrespective of whatever abuse is heaped on us.
Within the first few days of the recent triple calendar changes came the headwaters of, what may presage to be, a torrent of blood. If the lessons of the life of Kumar Ponnambalam were to be truly learnt, it is, that, we are the ones to stanch human rights abuses, as best as we could end in these endeavours we are truly alone.
He leaves behind his wife, son and daughter.
Proposed Crossover Bill — a thorn in the side of many parties?by Deshavimala
The ‘Members Conscience Bill’ of the J. R. Jayewardene government which is to be revalidated by the Kumaratunga administration shortly was the topic of discussion in political circles in the week gone by. Several government MPs and members of the UNP rebel group were in constant contact with a number of UNP MPs during the week to assist the government to get this bill passed when it is expected to be debated in the House in mid February. The Bill is likely to be tabled in the House next Tuesday. The campaign in favour of this bill carried out by PA MPs and the UNP rebel group appears to be successful as they have been able to convince about thirty UNP MPs so far. The PA needs the support of 150 members in the House, which is two thirds majority to get it passed.
Late President J. R. Jayewardene moved this Bill in 1979 to accommodate Chelliah Rajadurai of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) into the UNP fold. Rajadurai under the provisions of that bill crossed over in March that year to the UNP and was made the Minister of Regional Development. He however restricted the effect of that bill to that parliament alone to prevent similar occurrences in the future.
UNP rebel group leader and Special Assignments Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama who was Secretary to the then State Minister Dr. Anandatissa De Alwis in the Jayewardene government which passed this Members Conscience Bill worked closely with President Jayewardene in planning out the administrative machinery of that government apprised President Kumaratunga about it and promoted it first among PA members and told the President that if this bill was promoted among the PA and the UNP ranks, the government could muster the required two thirds majority to change the present constitution.
The UNP parliamentarians are concerned about their political future for the next six years after the defeat of their leader Ranil Wickremesinghe at the recent presidential election. Dr. Amunugama, known to be a smooth operator at times of crisis, first discussed the’ Conscience Bill’ with his group and decided to tap many UNP MPs to educate them on the provisions of that bill. By last Monday the rebel group had approached nearly thirty UNP MPs and many of them are reported to have expressed their willingness to support this bill if it was placed before the House.
Rebel group member Susil Moonesinghe visited the UNP MP for Hambantota District Mervyn Silva at the latter’s house at Park Road last Monday. Susil had a long discussion with Mervyn at personal level and told Mervyn that they got to take the 15 men to the PA as promised. Susil is one who was not offered a cabinet portfolio by the President. He told Mervyn though he supported the government he was not in agreement with the devolution package but would support it only if the necessary amendments were moved to the package. Susil then discussed the move to extend the life of the present parliament and requested Mervyn to gather the support of five MPs for the extension move and assured that he would tell the President to look after the interests of Mervyn as a measure of gratitude. Mervyn listened to all what Susil told him and stated that he needed a few days to reply.
Mervyn who represents the Hambantota District is of the view that it would be difficult for him to return to Parliament at the next general election. Under the Proportionate Representation (PR) system only two or three candidates are returned to parliament from Hambantota District. The UNP list for the next general election from Hambantota looks very competitive. There are the experienced Doctors; Ranjit Atapattu, a former Health Minister in the Jayewardene government, P. M. B. Cyril, a former District Minister of the Jayewardene government and a State Minister of the Premadasa government, Ananda Kularatne continuing in parliament for the last twenty two years and new comers Sajith Premadasa and Mervyn himself. Sajith Premadasa is a popular figure in that district and is sure to give a tough fight even to the seniors on his list. Sajith has built himself in the district during the past seven years and is confident of entering parliament in the next general election. With this situation of the UNP at Hambantota, Mervyn has to think of his political future as to what he has to do if he is to continue in politics.
Mervyn convinced by Susil Moonesinghe’s message about the extension of the present parliament contacted his close friends in parliament, Walgampaya from Trincomalee (who entered parliament after the death of M. E. H. Maharoof), Rohan Abeygunesekere, Susantha Punchi Nilame, Upali Amarasiri and Yasendra Bakmeewewa to know their views about the proposal. While Rohan Abeygunesekere had reservations about the move, the others appeared favourable saying they lacked funds to face an early election. Some among the others to whom Mervyn spoke apprised the UNP leader of this.
Mervyn met UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe on Monday evening at the latter’s office at Cambridge Terrace and disclosed what Susil Moonesinghe told him. ’Sir, you know that I am a man who doesn’t stab from behind and I will tell you everything that Susil told me’, he said. Mervyn did not hide that he spoke to other MPs about Susil’s proposal. Mervyn is known as an outspoken man in UNP circles. He named the MPs he contacted but Wickremesinghe was not offended. Mervyn assured him that he will not do anything without the blessings of the leader and the entire UNP group.
Wickremesinghe’s confidante, Bodhi Ranasinghe, was aware of these move carried out by the UNP rebels to muster the support of UNP members towards the Members Conscience Bill and the extension of parliament. Ranasinghe hosted some MPs who had been approached by the rebels for a dinner on Tuesday night at his residence. Among those present were John Amaratunga, Ravindra Samaraweera, Gamini Lokuge, Sarath Kongahage, Lakshman Seneviratne, Mervyn Silva, Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene, Susantha Punchinilame, J. C. Alawathuwala, Asoka Wadigamangawa, Gamini Jayawickreme Perera, Premaratne Gunesekere and Ananda Kularatne. Bodhi Ranasinghe hosted them saying it was a new year dinner but the occasion turned out be one where they talked about cross overs.
Outspoken Mervyn Silva was the first to tell his colleagues about the approach made by Susil Moonesinghe. In his usual style he disclosed everything that happened during the meeting with Susil and the UNP leader. Gamini Lokuge, a close associate of the UNP leader adviced Mervyn not to be in a hurry but to think of the party first before taking any decision. They then turned to the subject of the three and a half hour speech over Rupavahini by President Kumaratunga. While Lokuge and Lakshman Seneviratne were critical of the President’s speech Lakshman Abeywardene brought the topic of cross overs. Though Mervyn disclosed about the details of the meeting with Susil others only said that they too had heard about such a bill to be presented in Parliament. Lakshman Seneviratne, who came with his guitar said it was time for some song and dance and called upon others to join him. Mervyn and Ravi Samaraweera started to sing and the party went on...!
Siri Kotha meeting
When the rumour about cross over spread the week before, UNP General Secretary Gamini Athukorale scheduled a meeting for his MPs at ‘Siri Kotha’ on Jan. 7. The government clamped a curfew shortly before midnight on Thursday till 2.30 pm on Friday. This sudden curfew prevented many MPs from attending this meeting. However, Messrs.; Athukorale, Karunasena Kodituwakku, W. J. M. Lokubandara, Tyronne Fernando, R. M. Ratnayake, Suranimala Rajapakse, Ananda Kularatne with lawyers of the UNP Tilak Marapona, Daya Pelpola and Daham Wimalasena and Naufel Rahuman were present. A vehicle from Siri Kotha was sent for Lakshman Seneviratne during curfew time to bring him and as the UNP leader was late, Gamini Athukorale chaired the meeting.
Though those present thought that the meeting was to discuss about cross overs Athukorale said the subject was the election petition that was to be filed challenging the election of President Kumaratunga. The UNP lawyers present gave details of the information that was to be filed with the petition. MPs present also provided information about violence and intimidation in their districts. Daya Pelpola explained that an election petition would take about three years in court and asked whether it would serve any purpose by filing such a petition. Messrs.. Lokubandara and Kodituwakku did not endorse the view of Pelpola but stated that a petition must be filed to make public all irregularities committed by the PA so that those would be recorded in the law reports of the country. Lakshman Seneviratne, Suranimala Rajapakse and Athukorale insisted that an election petition should be filed. At this point Tilak Marapona interjected to say,’ O.K. we will then collect all information and file the petition next week’. By the time Ranil Wickremesinghe arrived, the decision to file a petition was already taken.
Meanwhile, Ariyapala Walgampita and Vincent Perera were two parliamentarians of the UNP who were approached by the rebel group to get their support for the cross over bill. Instead of speaking about the cross over issue first, Dr. Amunugama stressed the need to resolve the ethnic problem and said that all should join hands on national issues. The two MPs, expressed views favourable to the proposal on the national issue. They agreed on the need to unite to crush Prabakaran to safeguard the country. Amunugama then spoke of the need for members of parliament to have the right to vote according to their conscience. For this too, Walpitagama and Perera nodded in favour. Amunugama then came to the point to say about the Conscience Bill to be brought before parliament next week. Amunugama with his experience as an able civil servant appeared successful in the attempt to convince the two MPs.
Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene who got wind of this approach by Amunugama to get the support of these two MPs immediately contacted the two MPs and adviced them not to be in haste to make decisions and told them he would arrange a meeting with the party leader for them to discuss such matters. Accordingly he arranged a meeting for the two MPs with Wickremesinghe on Tuesday, which was the wedding anniversary day of the UNP leader. Wickremesinghe did not celebrate his anniversary. Instead he was busy with his usual work. The two MPs met the UNP leader as arranged by Abeywardene. Wickremesinghe said that if there was a need for the UNP and the PA to join together on certain issues it should be done at party level and advised the two MPs to refrain from taking individual decisions. He told the two MPs to convey the party position to the UNP rebels who had approached them. Of the UNP rebels it was Susil and Amunugama who played a major role in approaching the UNP members. It was reported that Susil hosted a dinner at his residence on Monday night for some UNP MPs. Reports said that an invitation was extended to about 30 UNPers but only ten had turned up for the dinner. Some UNPers who attended the dinner did not want to disclose what was discussed. Susil had described the occasion as a get together. Reliable sources said that the motive of this dinner invitation was to get the support of the UNPers for the extension of the life of parliament.
UNP rebels meet Ashraff
UNP rebel leader Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Nanda Mathew, the two special assignment ministers of the cabinet, met SLMC leader, Rehabilitation and Ports Minister M. H. M. Ashraff at the latter’s residence on Tuesday. Ashraff was joined by SLMC General Secretary Rauff Hakeem. The talks centred on the constitutional changes and the cross over bill. Ashraff said that he was opposed to the cross over bill and had requested PA General Secretary D. M. Jayaratne to summon a meeting of the PA Ex-Co to discuss that issue. This meeting of the PA Ex-Co was scheduled to be held late night last Friday. Ashraff and the leaders of small political parties in parliament oppose the cross over bill fearing that if such a bill was passed their small parties would fade away. Ashraff told Amunugama that his party advocated a proper constitution to meet the aspiration of all minority communities and not one that had to be amended and plastered from time to time. Amunugama accepted this position of his cabinet colleague.
Amunugama then pointed the need to obtain the required two thirds majority in parliament to see a new constitution through. ’Ashraff, even if we go for a snap election, we cannot get the two thirds majority under the present constitution’, Amunugama said adding that he was doing his best to get the support of some UNP colleagues to get the required number for the purpose from this parliament. Ashraff and Hakeem said they understood the trouble Amunugama was taking to help the government but stressed that a proper constitution should come in place for the present one and there was no need in trying to move amendments to the present one by getting the support of the UNP. Thereafter the two parties talked about finding ways and means to resolve the crisis situation in the war torn Northern and Eastern provinces. Though ideas and views were expressed nothing concrete was reached.
Minister Ashraff had a meeting with President Kumaratunga on Thursday regarding the cross over bill to be brought by the government. Ashraff fears such a bill may lead to a tough situation if his MPs try to cross over. During the Premadasa parliament he had a confrontation with his young MP Mohamed Hisbullah. Ashraff told Hisbullah that he should quit after two years to rotate that seat to two others if the parliament went its full term. Hisbullah who agreed later said he would not resign. Hisbullah was even prepared to take the issue before court. Hisbullah continued the full term but had to ask for pardon later to get nominations at the last general election. Ashraff videoed the episode where Hisbullah asked for pardon and showed it to the voters of Kattankudy, the electorate Hisbullah represented.
Ashraff who had an hour long discussion with the President sought an assurance from her that none of his MPs would be accommodated in the PA if they tried to cross over. President Kumaratunga gave an undertaking that she would not take any of his MPs if they tried a cross over after the bill was passed. Following this assurance Ashraff decided to support the cross over bill. Ashraff was the stumbling block within the PA towards the cross over bill and President Kumaratunga has now cleared that hurdle. When the SLFP Central Committee met on Friday morning, President Kumaratunga conveyed Ashraff’s decision on the cross over bill. The Central Committee welcomed it while supporting the bill. The Cross over bill was expected to be approved by the PA Executive Committee which met late on Friday night.
Media repression
The government linked the private media to the attempted assassination of President Kumaratunga on December 18 last year. Following the questioning of Renuka Shanmuganathan, the wife of Union Bank Managing Director S. Shanmuganathan, the state controlled electronic media repeatedly announced that the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) was expected to question two editors in the private print media and some businessmen who had links with the United National Party. Renuka Shanmuganathan is the sister of Thiru Nadesan and the Sister-in-law of PA Deputy Minister Nirupama Rajapakse. Mrs. Shanmuganathan was taken for questioning under the provision of the Prevention of Terrorism Act last Sunday and was questioned for several hours. She was released the same day but the CID said it would question her again if the necessity arose.
A day later, the state controlled Lake House dailies ran headlines that a Head of a State Media institution was also questioned by the CID in connection with the attempted assassinations of the President. These dailies did not identify the State Media head who was grilled by the CID. Authoritative sources disclosed that this state media Head was from the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation who worked as a Deputy Director General. This high official, the sources said had a hand in the news division of the SLRC. Political analysts viewed this move by the government as an excuse to grill the two editors in the private media whom the government did not name. Though the government did not name the two editors all fingers were pointed at the ‘Ravaya’ Editor Victor Ivan and ‘Sunday Leader’ Editor, Lasantha Wickremetunga as they was at the receiving end by President Kumaratunga when she addressed the nation on the night of January 03. Last Friday the CID was to grill another Head of a private electronic station.
Following the questioning of Renuka Shanmuganathan and the state media man, the Free Media Movement went into action on Tuesday to fight against the media repression by the state. Members of the Free Media Movement decided to educate the Diplomatic Corps in Colombo about the dangers posed to journalists by the statements issued by the government. Groups of members from the Movement met the diplomatic members of the America, Germany, Nerherlands, Canada and India to apprise them of the dangers posed to the media people in the private sector. Written statements were also issued to International Human Rights Organisations and Media Institutions abroad on the issue. At the request of Victor Ivan and Lasantha Wickremetunga, the Editors Guild also met this week to discuss the threats posed to the private media.
The Free Media Movement also held a press conference at its office at Thimbirigasyaya on Tuesday to condemn the government’s action to suppress the private media. Those present were Lasantha Wickremetunga, Victor Ivan, Sunanda Deshapriya and the Convenor of the FMM, Varuna Karunatilleke. Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuttu was also present as an observer at this press conference. The Presidential Secretariat drew its attention to the activities and steps taken by the Free Media Movement on Tuesday and issued a statement on Wednesday accusing the FMM of trying to distort the contents in the speech of President Kumaratunga on January 03. Wide publicity was given to this statement from the Presidential Secretariat by the state print and electronic media.
UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe called a press conference on Wednesday morning at the Opposition Leader’s office to talk on the alleged media repression by the government. Wickremesinghe said that the President on January 03 during her speech named some media persons and was trying to link them and some members in the business community to the bomb blast which occurred on December 18 last year. The UNP leader noted that businessmen not only helped his party but also the PA during election time. ’There are some businessmen who fund both sides at the same time’, he quipped. Wickremesinghe said that funding by businessmen for elections was a part of the process during polls. Similarly he said journalists also supported certain sides and cited how Victor Ivan, Lakshman Jayawarene and Chulawansa Sirilal supported Chandrika during the 1994 period for her to come to power. ’That is the right of the journalists’, Wickremesinghe added saying that the President should understand that right of the media men without trying to fix them for nothing. ’Today Lakshman Jayawardene and Chulawansa are supporting the UNP and that is their right’, Wickremesinghe asserted.
Wickremesinghe said that he was not a party to events where certain businessmen as alleged by the government dined and wined opening bottles of champagne thinking that the President was dead. ‘Be it the President or any other human being, I condemn such acts’, he said. The UNP leader said that excuses by the government that the President made her speech under emotion was a separate issue and added that emotion cannot be used as an instrument to muzzle the free media. ’I want the government to issue a statement saying that they uphold media freedom’, Wickremesinghe stressed. He said that all political parties should unite to fight against the media repression by the government and assured that the UNP would take that challenge to the people if the government tried to attack journalists in the free media.
Sirisena Cooray
Former UNP strongman Sirisena Cooray talked politics during the past few days saying that the need of the hour was a national government while stressing that the UNP should get a new leadership if it wanted to win future elections. With Ranil Wickremesinghe determined to keep Cooray away from UNP politics, Cooray has been very critical of the leadership of Wickremesinghe. After every defeat of the UNP during past elections Cooray criticised the UNP leadership and called for a change in the leadership because Cooray knows that as long as the UNP is led by Wickremesinghe he will never get a chance to return.
Cooray who want to come back to active politics finally decided to form an independent group last week to contest the next general election. Cooray who calls himself an ardent UNPer does not want to form a new political party. Having decided to contest the next general election under an independent group Cooray went to Kataragama early this week to start his political work with religious blessings. He returned to Colombo only on Friday. While at Kataragama Cooray heard the news that his close associate and financier Anver Khanbhoy was shot by an unkown gunman at Elakanda, Wattala on Tuesday. Anver is known as a wheeler dealer businessman with business circles. He was shot at near his factory at Elakanda but escaped with injuries and was reported to be out of danger.
This news came as a shock to Cooray when it was told to him by his son Manjula. Anver was to finance the campaign of Cooray’s independent group. Though certain people close to Cooray attempted to link this attack to the UNP, investigations by the police confirmed that it was an incident related to business rivalry.
Cooray is to make a come back to his former political base, Colombo Central. He sent a message on Wednesday, to his former colleague in the UNP, Mohamed Maharoof, the present Chief Organiser of the UNP in Colombo Central that he would be coming there to contest the next general election under an independent group with UNP Municipal Councillor Azath Sally who is a close associate of Cooray. Colombo Central is a multi member electorate. The UNP will field Maharoof to win the Muslim vote and Henry Jayamaha for the Sinhala vote. Now Cooray will contest Jayamaha while Azath Sally will contest Maharoof. Sally is new to Colombo Central and even Cooray will find it hard because Maharoof is now very popular in the Colombo Central electorate.
At the last Provincial Council election, the UNP recorded the highest number of votes of all electorates in the country from Colombo Central with 25,000 majority at the last presidential election. Cooray is now travelling round the country canvassing support from UNPers close to President Premadasa to get their support. He has also approached many UNP parliamentarians who worked closely with Premadasa.
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