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Change and continuity in British foreign policy
Speech by David Tatham, British High Commissioner, to the Bandaranaike Diplomatic Training Institute on June 17

Some time ago a government which had been in power for many years—nearly 20 years—fell and was replaced by a new and more left wing government.

No not Sri Lanka in 1994 or Britain in 1997: it was the British general election of 1904 when the Conservative government which had ruled for many years was replaced by a Liberal and Labour government. On that occasion the well-known English poet Hilaire Belloc wrote a little poem which he called ''On a General Election'' and it went:

The accursed power which stands on privilege
(and goes with women and champagne and bridge).
Broke—and democracy resumed her reign:
(which goes with bridge and women and champagne).

So you see there is a certain cynicism in England, a certain feeling that governments may announce a new age, but things will continue very much as before.

And there are certain very justifiable reasons for stressing the continuity of foreign policy. After all a general election and a new government do not change the situation of a country—both our countries are small islands 20 or 30 miles from a large continent. It is unusual for a new government to change trading policy: we all still have to sell our goods in the world and earn our living.

In Britain at least it is unusual for governments to change their defence policies or their alliances too radically. We are a small country and we need the support of our friends, whether they be in the North Atlantic treaty Organisation, or the European Community or the Commonwealth. So there are very strong forces of continuity working in any country, and perhaps particularly in Britain which is a country where change tends to be gradual.

But we have last month celebrated the first anniversary of Britain's new Labour government and it is a government which, particularly in foreign policy, came in with a splash and with declarations that set out very clearly how the new government's policy would differ from that of the old.

So I want to look at the new Labour government's foreign policy and also at two other aspects of its policy which are closely linked to it.

They are first the policy of the newly created Department for International Development, (DFID) the new government's aid ministry.

Secondly an area where there has been enormous change in this past year, the new government's policy towards Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland is one those areas which straddle domestic and foreign policy. Because it is part of the United Kingdom it is domestic, but because it intimately concerns the Republic of Ireland and affects our relations with other countries like the United States it has profound foreign policy implications as well.

Let us start with foreign policy, pure and simple, the policy which the Foreign and Commonwealth Office administers in London; the policy for which the Secretary of State, Mr. Robin Cook is responsible.

A mission statement
The Labour Government had been in power less than 2 weeks when Robin Cook summoned the media to the Foreign Office and issued a ''Mission statement for British foreign policy''. Now a Mission statement is very much how a commercial company sets out what it intends to do. Symptomatic I think of the increasing attention paid to management and management practice by British political parties and by the Foreign Office over recent years.

Robin Cook set out his objectives in the following terms:

We shall pursue that Mission to secure for Britain four benefits through our foreign policy:

Security. We shall ensure the security of the United Kingdom and the dependent Territories, and peace for our people by promoting international stability, fostering our defence alliance and promoting arms control actively;

Prosperity. We shall make maximum use of our overseas posts to promote trade abroad and boost jobs at home;

Quality of Life.

We shall work with others to protect the World's environment and to counter the menace of drugs, terrorism and crime and

Mutual respect. We shall work through our international forums and bilateral relationships to spread the values of human rights, civil liberates and democracy which we demand for ourselves.

Robin Cook then set out strategic aims and finally detailed priorities for the next 12 months. These detailed priorities were such things as:

— the success of the British Presidency of the European Union;

— an enlarged NATO and strengthened security partnerships throughout Europe;

— a successful transition in Hong Kong;

— an agreement on specific measures to protect the world's environment;

— a productive Commonwealth Summit and

— a deeper dialogue with countries of Asia through a successful Asia Europe Summit — the ASEM Summit took place in London in April.

Achievements against objectives; Balance sheet of a year in office
One year later the Foreign and Commonwealth Office published its departmental report which set out its spending plans for 1998-99 and assessed ''Achievements against Objectives'' for the year just past. They were by and large achievements of which the Government could be proud: particular events had gone well—the Commonwealth Summit, the ASEM Summit, the transition of power in Hong Kong. In international organisations the UK had played a leading role—in enlarging NATO while avoiding an increase in tension to the east; in returning to the main stream in Europe after the prickly isolation of the previous Conservative government, and in providing leadership during our Presidency of the European Union (which closes at the end of this month).

Two initiatives for human rights
Now there is one particular strand in the new government's foreign policy which I would like to highlight: that is human rights.

A concern for human rights is certainly not new, but I think it is fair to say that Robin Cook has devoted particular personal attention to promoting human rights, civil liberties and democracy. In March this year he announced two initiatives to underline the Government's new priorities:

First the programme of overseas military and police training will be resurfaced to promote military respect for civilian democratic government, to promote the rule of law and international human rights standards. This is a fairly radical change in the direction of a fund which spends about $11 million a year—say Rupees 1.2 billion.

Second he Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary announced the establishment of a Human Rights Project Fund, to enable British diplomatic missions around the world to work in partnership with governments and NGOs to provide technical assistance to promote human rights. Children's rights, cooperation to promote the role of law, prison reform, supporting national human rights institutions, promoting a free press—these are the sorts of activities we have in mind.

There is no shortage of things to do—the problem is to find money to pay for them. The fund is worth $5m or Rs. 53m, but spread over the world means there is not too much for any one country. But we are working on ideas and I am very proud that last November we funded a course in prosecuting the sexual abusers of children at the Sri Lankan Police College in Kalutara. The Sri Lankan police and NGOs sent experts to this, and Nepal and India were also represented.

There are two other aspects of the new Government's policy which I wish to look at briefly—they are aid, or development policy and Northern Ireland.

Eradication of poverty
When the new Government took over last year they established, as their election manifesto promised, a new ministry to take over from the old Overseas Development Administration. This was the Department for International Development whose title shows that the Government see development not simply as a matter of aid, but as a factor to be considered by mainstream government in foreign policy, financial policy, agricultural reform and trade policy. The new Secretary of State, Ms Short, released a Whit Paper in November last year which set a new objective for British aid policy. In brief ''to eradicate poverty''. This is an extremely ambitious target and certainly not one that the British aid programme can achieve on its own. But we hope international organisations—the World Bank, the IMP the UN family and the various regional development banks, particularly the Asian development Bank—to build partnerships with developing countries to strengthen their commitment to the elimination of poverty and to help mobilise the political will to achieve international development targets.

Development in Sri Lanka
What does this mean for British cooperation in development with Sri Lanka? Well, much of our aid already has a strong poverty focus. We are working with the World Bank to promote the teaching of English in primary schools in Sri Lanka. English is one of the keys to eradicating poverty, to finding a fulfilling career in the modern sector of the economy and indeed to achieving qualifications and scientific knowledge for personal fulfilment. We are also working on a participatory forestry project in Matara which is involving the villagers of the area in the care and sustainable exploitation of forests there. I hope this project will be an inspiration to the Colombo Municipal Council and the department of Finance about schemes to help relieve urban poverty in Colombo.

Together with all this goes help to those groups in Sri Lanka who are surely most deprived at present—I am referring to people who have been driven from their homes or otherwise deprived of support and livelihood by the war in the north and whose care is the responsibility primarily of the international agencies and NGOs, both foreign and Sri Lankan. In recent months Britain has given substantial new sums to UNICEF ($1.7m), and to the ICRC ($1.5m), for their work in Sri Lanka.

Generally, Sri Lanka is moving into the middle income category of developing countries with GDP per head at over US$ 800. But there are very real pockets of misery in the country and likely to be so as long as the war lasts. I wish I could see this element of our aid programme here coming to a speedy end, but so far I cannot.

Northern Ireland—a bipartisan approach
Finally a word about Northern Ireland. As I said Northern Ireland is one of those subjects which has both domestic and foreign policy implications. And also a subject which you in Sri Lanka follow with particularly close attention. There are so many parallels that we tend to ignore the differences. I do not think the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland can be copied in Sri Lanka—I would never say: ''We have solved the problem—do as we did''. But I do think there are in sights, there are approaches in the way the Good Friday Agreement was achieved which may be of interest in this country.

I know many people in England and I believe many Sri Lankans too were deeply impressed by the sight of the Prime Minister, Tony Blair, and his predecessor, John Major, campaigning literally on the same platform in support of the Good Friday proposals during the recent referendum in Northern Ireland. I believe this bipartisan approach has been crucial in the success of negotiations. It is essential that a terrorist organisation should not be able to drive wedges between elected parties which represent a vast majority of the country and whose agreement must be obtained—either because it is constitutionally required, or because simple prudence and common sense demand it—before any significant change in the constitution can become law.

No place for despair
I believe the Good Friday Agreement also shows that problems can be solved—even long standing, intractable and bitter problems. There is no place for despair. In Britain we have had to look hard for a solution, and we have had to work hard for a solution. There have been false hopes and disappointments. There are still major sensitivities with the release of prisoners and the de-commissioning of arms held by para-military groups. But the elections for the new assembly will be held on 25 June and after that it will be up to the people of Northern Ireland and their leaders to make the new agreement work. So on that encouraging note—encouraging for the British Isles and I think encouraging for Sri Lanka—I shall bring this survey to a close. There has seen some notable changes and some impressive achievements.


A Point of View
The internship fiasco
by W. O. H. Indraratne

The massive social and economic disruption which we experienced in this country during the dark days of the late 1980s inter alia led to the closure of our universities, creating a backlog of medical graduates who were anxiously awaiting their internship appointments to become fully fledged doctors. Needless to say, internship is a sine qua non to join this noble profession! In regard to internships, the practice that was followed earlier was to grant them immediately after graduation from these seats of learning. However, this system went haywire and fell in line with the oft repeated maxim that: 'The old order changeth, yielding place to the new.'

But the new order did more harm than good and brought in its wake disastrous consequences to these healers of tomorrow. The backlog awaiting internships continues to soar as more and more of their ilk join the queue. As a result, by 1997 the accumulation became so unwieldy that a medical graduate had to wait for a period of one and half years to receive his/her internship. Table 1 below sets out the waiting period, the 'passed outs' had to undergo and the 'passing outs' will have to undergo in the future.

Medical students have time and again strongly advocated for a reversion to the earlier traditional practice of calling medical graduates to report at state hospitals to commence their periods of internship immediately after passing from the universities, but this has not found favour with the authorities for reasons best known to them.

After protracted discussions, the Minister of Health and his officials agreed with the medical graduates to adopt 'ad hoc' measures to tide over the difficulties experienced by them. The minister and the officials were of the view that inordinate delays in calling up the graduates to serve their internships tantamounts to a colossal wastage of acquired medical skills and also a severe drain on the country's financial resources. In fact, the former Minister of Health, A. H. M. Fowzie, who met a delegation of the aggrieved graduates went into all aspects of the problem and having understood the implications and complications thereof, submitted a cabinet memorandum embodying his proposals and obtained the approval of the cabinet of minister to solve this alarming delay.

Thereafter discussions were held with the concerned parties and consensus was reached to 'overlap' the internships of two batches at every intake, which would afford appreciable relief to the victims of this injustice within a period of two years from the time of its implementation. Table 2 below gives an idea as to how this overlapping process would reduce in stages this painful delay to a mere three months by the end of December, 1998.

Overlapping
This system of overlapping two batches at one intake worked quite smoothly during the last year in spite of initial setbacks which were ironed out as and when they cropped up. Unfortunately there was a breakdown of this system when it came to the intake of the 1989/90 'repeat batch', which in the normal course of events would have received internship appointments by January, 1998 if all went well. But hard fortunes and the pitiless buffeting of fate intervened and they were not taken in as agreed upon by the Ministry of Health. The bureaucracy came out with frivolous excuses while also resorting to dilatory tactics. After a bitter struggle and as a result of the timely intervention of a group of doctors with the medical students participating at the discussions, the affected graduates were promised by the Deputy Director-General of Health Services (Medical Services) that they would be granted their internship appointments with effect from 22nd April, 1998 at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH).

On the morning of this day, these ladies and gentlemen having marshalled up their courage and with high hopes gathered at the BMICH to receive their letters of appointments. They were told that the issuing of letters of appointment would be further delayed as a fundamental rights case has been filed by a few disgruntled foreign qualified medical graduates, which legally debarred the ministry from giving the green light to commence internships. However, on discreet inquiries, it transpired that the ministry had sought the advice of the Attorney General on certain issues and in its communication to him had committed a monumental blunder, normally termed as an 'oversight' in bureaucratic parlance, which of course affords them an easy escape to wriggle out of a tricky situation.

Oversight
This oversight is easy to understand though less easy to justify. The ministry in its wisdom had contrived to include the 'repeat batch' also along with the new batch of undergraduates who were to commence their internships in June this year, which it should have not done at all. This confused the situation and the Attorney-General rightly ruled out that the ministry should not approve further internships until the court decides on the matter. Ultimately, the would be beneficiaries of this keenly worked out plan metaphorically got 'overlooked' for no fault of theirs. So much for bureaucratic efficiency! As the matter was sub judice, these law-abiding men and women gracefully withdrew from the scene hoping against hope that a better tomorrow will dawn for them. It is hoped that saner counsel will prevail and these medical graduates would be given quick relief.

Foreign qualified medical grads
To add insult to injury, foreign qualified medical graduates appear to be playing a game of hide and seek as the state in its munificence has bestowed on them a privileged position at the expense of the locally qualified medical graduates who have gone through established admission procedures in a straight forward manner to enter the medical faculties of the island by a competitive process without taking wings to foreign climes to try their luck. While the local graduates have to undergo agonizing periods of waiting for internship ranging from 18 months to 24 months (or even more in time to come), the foreign qualified medical graduates are allowed to commence their internships as and when they complete their Qualifying Examination. As it is, they are given the option to decide according to their own sweet will and pleasure as to when they should commence internship. Isn't the government mollycoddling them? Why this favouritism is the million dollar question!

Still not satisfied with the enviable position they are placed, they are also engaged in waging a relentless battle to get this simple Qualifying Examination under Act 16 scrapped as it has probably become an insurmountable barrier to them. Strictly speaking it is the legitimate rights of the local medical graduates into which they have made many inroads. Further delay in granting internships to these graduates would also affect nearly 4,000 students who are undergoing training in the various medical faculties and they will no doubt be the victims of circumstances of an artificial situation created by the callous disregard for principles by concerned authorities.

Scenario in 2001
It would not be out of place to mention here that what the situation will look like by the year 2001 when Sri Lanka steps into the next millennium with all the trumpeting and fanfare, Hey presto! a student selected to do medicine will be idling and groping in the dark for nearly eighteen long months to enter the sacred portals of a medical faculty. A sad tale indeed! Is it not a travesty of justice to relegate these aspirants to the profession to such an agonizing wait? Are we going forward or backwards? Though admissions to the faculties of medicine have been speeded up recently, only one batch passes out. Hence the necessity to overlap.

As a parent, I would earnestly request the present Minister of Health, Nimal Siripala de Silva, who is himself a distinguished lawyer to weigh the pros and cons evenly and mete out justice. Issues of this nature demand cool logic and icy nerves, and these days these qualities are rare. Yet, we believe the minister who has a charismatic reputation will be fair by all.

Delay, hedging and obfuscation have had their day. We now need clarity and precision backed by good intentions, justice and fairplay.

Table 1
(If present system of granting internship is continued)

A/L
(Aug.)
Batch Tentative Date
of Final MBBS
Tentative Date of
Internship Appt.
Wait for Internship
Appointment
1981 1982/83 Dec. 90* July 91* 8 months
1982 1983/84 Nov. 91* April 92* 6 months
1983 1984/85 Sep. 92* April 93* 7 months
1984 1985/86 Sep. 93* April 94* 7 months
1985 1986/87 June 94* April 95* 10 months
1986 1987/88 April 95 April 96* 1 year
1987 1988/89 April 96 April 97* 1 year
1988 1989/90 Jan. 97 April 98 1 year & 2 months
1989 1990/91 Nov. 97 April 99 1 year & 4 months
1990 1991/92 Sep. 98 April 2000 1 year & 6 months
1991 1992/93 July 99 April 2001 1 year & 8 months
1992 1993/94 May 2000 April 2002 1 year & 10 months
1993 1994/95 March 2001 April 2003 2 years
1994 1995/96 Jan. 2002 April 2004 2 years & 2 months
1995 1996/97 Nov. 2002 April 2005 2 years & 4 months
1996 1997/98 Sep. 2003 April 2006 2 years & 6 months
1997 1998/99 July 2004 April 2007 2 years & 8 months
1998 1999/2000 May 2005 April 2008 2 years & 10 months
1999 2000/2001 March 2006 April 2009 3 years
2000 2001/2002 March 1997 April 2010 3 years

* Denotes actual dates

Table 2
(The outcome after overlapping)

A/L
(Aug.)
Batch Date of
Final MBBS
Date of Intern
Appointment
Waiting Period
1987 1988/89 Arpil 96 June 97 1 year & 2 months
1988 1989/90 Jan. 97 Dec. 97 11 months
1989 1990/91 Nov. 97 June 98 7 months
1990 1991/92 Sep. 98 Dec. 98 3 months

Free Education and fee levying tuition
by R. L. Lalprema

In a mood of placidity which throws one into myrids of reveries, a less whimsical thought crossed my mind about 'the free education' that has now turned out a farce in place of its high ideals, originally intended for the rehabilitation of the under privileged classes of society. Beginning at the initial stage of childhood, education seems to surpass, in importance, all other absolute essentials with parents having unquestionably accepted it as their foremost responsibility to discipline children.

Apart from the main issue for discussion which I shall come to later, many are the distressing factors like non availabilty of Public schools to meet the demands of the rising population, particularly, in metropolises, a perennial problem which frustrates the aspirations of the parent community. So is the problem of transport for school children who are seen travelling hanging on to footboards of overcrowded buses risking their lives, with remedial attention conveniently ignored by those who empowered to act. Of all, admission of children has put young parents with high hopes of planning an adequately happy married life into a dilemma, in a wild goose chase for schools for their off spring.

It is no mere fiction that lately, some of them have found ways out, like planning their marital union in order the child is born within the relevant times, to coincide with the fixed period of annual admission to schools, to avert a possible delay by another school year. These strange phenomena, at the expense of man's natural freedom, signify the unique influence education exerts on modern social values.

Today, education has become a prerequisite to moulding a child into an adult before he is called by the society for the performance of the role assigned to him. As opposed to this, in the early history of man, it was the competence in skill and physical strength that valued most in training a juvenile.

A glimpse of the historical events that shaped the long journey of education into its present form, will make the reader gain a better insight into the subject. Education as experienced today, in modern sense, evolved through a period of more than one century and a half, could be traced to the advent of the British in this isle. Prior to the foreign invasions which attempted at uprooting and destroying its traditional social order, learning had been practically confined to the Budddhist temples as education centres, the incumbents of which acted as the sole guardians of the same in monastic tradition. Besides reverence shown to them as the authorities on Buddhism, they were highly respected for their vast knowledge in language and literature both by the kings and people.

Lay students, especially, pupil monks in pursuit of higher ordination received instruction mainly in religion and Sinhala language with more emphasis on Pali and Sanskrit influenced by the literary tradition of Indian origin. In a feudal set up with an agriculture based economy where education was not geared for diverse professional ends, broad masses hardly met with opportunities for pursuing conventional studies. Primarily, it was an exercise aimed at promoting religious knowledge and deriving pleasure from literature, in restricted scholarly circles.

With the establishment of the British Colonial rule, use of the English language as the official medium, became a prelude to a vast change in the socio-economic structure which had been deep seated for over many hundreds of years. By the second half of the 19th century, a fresh campaign to promote education was given impetus with the introduction of schools in all the populated districts.

Even before that, it is in record that Dutch had opened some Parish schools. This untraditional system of education founded on Western values eroded the base of the old order, making head way towards the beginning of a new era. Underlying this well considered plan, for dissemination of education among natives there was a dual purpose. One was making them proficient in English to fill the lower layers of the state machinery for easy administration, and the other as a devise for the conversion of Buddhists and Hindus to the Anglican faith.

The campaign proliferated rapidly, when missionaries belonging to various sects found way into the country to grab the opportunity for proselytising the younger generation, by founding schools on the model of English Mission Schools in key places. The State provided grants and other facilities to these Christian Private Schools which levid fees, while the traditional learning centres of the Buddhists and Hindus were totally neglected to the point of being abandoned. The wealthy class with great enthusiasm, seized this opportunity, restricted to the affluent few to give their children a secondary education in these schools, run in the British upper class traditions, denied to the majority of the ordinary population.

English education, thus launched through Mission Schools was able to trigger off in pupils an experience of a different world from their own. Gaining popularity among the opulent class it began showing speedy progress in expanding scope for professionalism in the fields of medicine, law, civil administration, engineering and so on. Any achievement in these fields by a local aspirant, came to be highly honoured, for only the British nationals is held those posts earlier. The government had opened only a small number of free vernacular and bilingual schools at random in provincial locations for those living in penury, which hardly brought them emancipation from their feudal outlook, in a fast changing society. Founding of the Royal College by the government had a difference as the only Public School which could match the high standards maintained by ever increasing Private Schools. But that, too, was patronized by the elite class. Native landowners and a few others with amassed fortune from agriculture, mining, transport etc. had their children sent to England in pursuit of university education, on finishing their secondary education in these schools.

However, it became an open policy that the government high offices were readily offered to Anglicans or members of other sects of Christianity, but not to Buddhists or Hindus. This amounted to nothing less than blackmailing, cleverly used as an unfailing operation for effective proselytization of the educated Sinhalese and Tamils. Being avaricious of dignified positions which boosted their ego, some of the English educated, too, chose to become Anglicans or anglicised. Further to this breakthrough, missionaries acquiring a knowledge of Swabhasha focussed their attention on the lower reaches of society, already ignored in setting up free vernacular schools in order that it would facilitate conversion in large numbers. Between the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century Roman Catholics had exceeded all other missions in expanding their network of schools.

During the last two decades of the 19th century, the arrival of an American Buddhist by conviction, H. S. Olcott marked a turning point in the field of educaion dominated in entirety by variouis Christian Sects, mostly Roman Catholics. Westernization, at the beginning restricted to the upper class, eroded the cultural heritage of the people at large who were exposed to Western values through prolonged education in a Christian atmosphere. Being not possible to bear any further annihilation, brought by their calculated onslaughts on the cultural life of a people, disciplined by Buddhist teachings, a religious movement led by a few patriots to confront the adversaries, was getting off the ground. Having given a fresh momentum by joining it, Olcott realized the urgent need of inaugurating a system of Buddhist schools to counter the Christian influence the Buddhist children had been subjected to.

The Buddhist Theosophical Society embarked on a range of schools like Ananda College, which in great measure, was able to confront Christianization and Westernization. This blazed the trail for the English educated elite, lacking in national enthusiasm, to resusitate their culture and religion, discriminated and relegated under the three successive invasions.

However, these schools, too, served the upper and middle classes while the urban and rural poor children had no means to English education. In addition to the conventional gap between the poor and the rich, there emerged an English educated class that assumed an air of superiority over those with Sinhala education who could not get a job in the government, even as a peon.

English education through these denominational institutes either Buddhist or non-Buddhist had been out of reach of the lower strata, a fact, hardly concerned the old guard of the legislators except one or two, although by that time, the progression of the governance was gradually towards the much acclaimed self rule. The third decade of the 20th century witnessed the sudden entry, into the political scenario of a group of highly qualified youths that favoured thorough politcal and social reforms in contrast with those of the senior colleagues.

Educated in British universities, they hailed the concept of nationalisation as the base of their economic principle, inspired from Marxism which offered a hitherto unknown experience to mankind. They firmly believed education as the sole responsibility of the State, and agitated from within and outside the State Council for free education-for-all to accommodate the sons of the toiling masses. Majority of the ruling elite made a vain attempt to keep the portals of the English schools forbidden grounds for the poor. Although the scheme formulated by the government could not bring full justice to the majority, however, by 1945, Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara as the Minister of Eduication, managed to bring 'free education' into the statute book not withstanding opposition even from his own colleagues.

It was implemented, mainly, through setting up a system of Central Schools both in urban and rural areas, which could bring forth a generation of English educated youths who, later took over controlling positions of the government administration, previously held by the elite educated in Private Schools, thus ushering a revival of learning among the economically disabled. A further strengthening marked by the change of the status of Private Schools which charged high fees, into Government Assisted Schools required to levy only facilities fees. University College and the Medical College established earlier, too, were brought under this scheme of free education.

What has come of free education today? One might say free education, since its introduction, without being revoked, is in force today. But what concerns one with, more insight into the prevailing state is the fact, that very purpose for which it was originated has been completely negated. Scarcely, is there any dispute, that schools impart education free of charge, even though with standards nowhere near what it used to be decades ago. Besides that, the original scheme aimed at acquiring the required knowledge, totally free from whatever payment, has degenerated into a modus operandi having two characteristics opposing each, other, whereby the beginning of the day's studies at school under the auspices of 'free education later, in the evening, culminates in extravagant private instruction.

A rather frivolous student in the day school is transformed into a serious tutor goer in the evening. In affluent cases the private tutor visits homes of the students, when both parties feel relieved of their day's obligations at free school. Irony is that 'free education' which was hard won to abolish fees charged, by private schools of the British Colonial education set up, has today been undone by fee levying after-school classes. Not only does this, question the morality of teachers, but also make the parents, with a hand to mouth existence, pay through their nose.

In the past, a mere six hour teaching per day was quite adequate for success with distinctions at examinations, unaided by private tuition which has now plagued and crippled the essence of 'free education'. Furthermore, students were instructied through the English medium, a foreign language, undoubtedly, harder than one's mother tongue and even, still difficult languages like Latin and Greek, had to be studied with other subjects for which no supplementary teaching was sought.

Nevertheless, students, according to the available records have shown brilliance irrespective of the medium being a foreign tongue, acquiring in some instances the first place at examinations in the whole of the British Empire, winning scholarships to England. But today, surprisingly, with more facilities provided by the government, it is to learn through one's own mother tongue, the burden of paying colossal sums for supplementary instruction has fallen on parents. After-school tuition has firmly taken roots as a compulsory componment in stdents' routine studies-so much so that parents repose more trust in the teaching at tutories than at schools for better examination results. This alone has reduced the examination department and schools to the mere position of a forwarding agent, through which students have only to appear for examinations. Would there be any solution for this to relieve the poor parents?


A case for a national forest programme
by Lionel Wijesiri

From ancient times forests form an integral part of Sri Lankan culture. Our folklore and epics are strongly based on episodes in forests, portraying wildlife as a somewhat holy aspect. Buddhist monks and hermits led their whole life in jungle caves or huts called ashrams made of rock, wood and leaves. Sri Lankans worshipped trees and their sages meditated under them. Ayurvedic medicine - developed through centuries of knowledge on the medicinal effects of plants - depends on forest trees and herbs to find cure for ailments. Ancient scholars educated and trained their younger generation at their homes situated inside forests.

Even with such close cultural ties with forests, it is unfortunate that Sri Lanka's forest cover has been dwindling from about 84% of the country's land area in 1881 to 23% in 1993. Only about 12% of the land area in the wet zone and 30% of Northern and eastern dry zone is under forests. The stark reality is that since 1956, at least 3400 hectares of forests in the wet zone and over 38000 hectares in the dry zone are lost each year. The past experience reveals that state effort has not been successful in conserving the remnants of our forests. State sector has raised over 130,000 hectares of forest plantations, predominantly of teak, pines and eucalyptus. These plantations were subjected to greater destruction each year under illegal felling and clearing and State intervention has not succeeded in gaining confidence of the people.

Key issues
The demands on many of our trees and forests today are greater than ever before. Managing forests to provide for the economic, social and environmental well-being of our rapidly expanding population, while also conserving them for future generations, is one of the most challenging and complex tasks of modern times. Conflicting views on the approaches, and techniques of forest management are, increasingly, the subject of heated controversy. Political trends, which are evolving outside the sector, are affecting the forest resources and shaping their management, while influencing national forest policy formulation.

Factors external to the sector, such as the growth in population and changing consumption patterns, are likely to continue to have more influence over the extent and condition of our forest resource than factors internal, and directly controlled by, the forestry sector itself. Inevitably some existing forests will be converted to agriculture, highlighting the need for sound land use planning and the identification of trees and forests in land use systems. The sustainability of agriculture will be increasingly recognised as a key to sustainable forestry.

At the same time as our forest cover is decreasing and forests are being degraded in many places, demands on forests and trees to supply wood and non-wood products and social and environmental services are increasing. According to estimates, consumption of wood in Sri Lanka increased by 36 percent between 1970 and 1990, and is expected to increase by another 20 percent by the year 2010. Greater emphasis is being put on the services and benefits which forests and trees can provide, including soil and water conservation, sequestration of carbon for mitigation of climate change, conservation of biological diversity, combating of desertification, enhancement of agricultural production systems, improvement of living conditions in urban and semi-urban areas, food and income, and provision of educational and recreational opportunities.

Forests will continue to provide an income for those employed in the forest and timber industries, and will remain an important source of food and income for the rural poor as well as being the home to indigenous forest dwellers for some time to come.

According to a survey done by Forest Resources Development Project some time back, the following facts were revealed:

- The real contribution of forestry to our GDP is over Rs. 6 billion per year.

- Fuelwood accounts for 71% of the total energy consumption and 94% of the energy used in households.

- The demand for domestic and industrial Fuelwood is estimated to be 11.0 million tons per year and will increase to 12.0 million in 2010.

- The present annual demand for logs is 1.4 million cubic metres and will increase to 2.1 million cubic metres in 2010.

The comparison of different alternatives for future development indicates that the only rational alternative is to manage the existing forests efficiently to obtain the maximum benefits from them and to achieve the required protection of soil and environment.

Progress
Despite the formidable challenges confronting forestry today, a number of positive developments give cause for optimism. The National Policy for Wild Life Conservation was formulated in 1989 and a 5-year investment programme was developed for implementation of the policy objectives. Implementation of the Investment Programme started in 1992 which was aimed at strengthening the capacity and capability of Department of Wild Life Conservation and setting up an effective system of conservation and management of protected areas.

How far have we succeeded in reaching the objective? According to the Editor of the 'Sri Lanka Forester', the official journal of the Sri Lanka Forest Department, there are gaps in the knowledge base in certain aspects in order to implement the Plan efficiently. He says 'thus a concerted effort is required to formulate and implement an action research programme to gather the information required'. In addition to lack of reliable data, the constraints to the development of the forestry sector were contributed to the absence of planning capacity and the shortage of trained personnel.

It is in this context that the establishment of a fully-fledged national Forest Programme would help to carry out a more effective forestry development campaign.

National forest programme
The expression 'national forest programme' designates the wide range of approaches to the process of planning, programming and implementation of forest activities in a country to be applied at national and provincial levels, based on a set universal of guiding principles. The purpose of the national forest programme is to establish a workable social and political framework for the conservation, management and sustainable development of all types of forests. National forest programmes represent processes by which policy and action-oriented decisions are taken following debate, negotiations, and commitments involving all interested parties.

National forest programmes comprise both planning and programming of forest sector activities, including the formulation of policies, strategies and courses of action, as well as their implementation, monitoring and evaluation. They should be developed in the context of our socio-economic, cultural, political and environmental situation.

These programmes link together strategic and operational planning and are specifically designed to improve the efficiency of actions in favour of sustainable forest development, which in turn will increase the effectiveness and efficiency of public and private operational and funding commitments.

The guiding principles
National forest programmes are guided by basic principles, which result from the experience throughout the world. These principles are:

* sustainability of forest development;
* holistic approach to the forest sector;
* consistency with national development policies and socio-economic environment;
* consideration of intersectoral linkages;
* country operational responsibility and leadership;
* partnership, participation and transparency in all actions;
* harmony with national and international commitments.

These guiding principles have been fully endorsed by the Intergovernmental Panel on Forests (IPF) established by the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development. The IPF recommended that 'countries develop and implement national forest programmes in accordance with their guiding principles, as an effective mean to address sustainable forest management in all types of forests, thus increasing their capacity to meet the increasing and conflicting demands for forest goods and services'. Furthermore, the IPF emphasised the need for a flexible approach to the national forest programmes, noting that various countries prefer to use means which are different from plans or programmes formally established in order to achieve their political forestry objectives.

Many developing countries have already adopted this approach and are well along in carrying out strategic planning processes. Others have undertaken such efforts more recently. The tangible results of these processes include: new forestry policies and improved legislation, institutional reforms, redefinition of the role of the state in forestry development, decentralisation of forest management responsibilities, transfer of power to communities and local groups, more transparency and participation in the decision-making process, and co-ordination and harmonisation of actions within coherent, holistic and intersectoral strategic frameworks.

In the industrialised countries, there is an increasingly heated debate on the role of trees and forests and an increasing call for a new approach to forestry within a framework of ecologically sustainable development. Consultations have been organised and new approaches introduced in several countries in order to mediate the diverse interests defended by different interest groups and to build consensus. New policies and strategies have recently been adopted or are in the negotiation process.

Date
First of all, we need more and improved information on the status and value - economic, environmental and social - of our forests. It will serve as a basis for policy and management decisions in response to socio-economic, technological and political changes, many of which lie outside the sector itself. Assessments of forest cover, condition and productivity, biological diversity, and the supply and demand for wood and non-wood forest products and services will be important to guide decisions and measure progress towards achieving sustainable forest management. Tracking and analyzing the effects of demographic trends, land use changes, and economic developments will be needed for appropriate policy formulation.

Institutional Changes
Capacity building, or assistance in improving institutional capabilities to plan and manage the forestry sector, must be given increased priority if sustainable forest management is to become a reality. Despite progress in many aspects, insufficient or inadequate national and local forest policies, strategies and plans have been important constraints to implementing sustainable forest management in Sri Lanka. Forest laws and land use policies are weak and inconsistent, and forests are not being adequately protected and managed. Greater interdisciplinary effort is needed to account adequately for forestry in national development planning and to integrate trees and forests in land use plans. We have forestry departments and forestry research education and extension programs, which are under-funded and have inadequately, trained staff. There is a need to strengthen such institutions, promote responsible private sectors, ensure those non-governmental organizations and local groups are involved, and encourage cross-institutional collaboration. Forest institutions and other organizations involved in forestry must also adapt to new trends, including economic globalization, political and economic liberalization, decentralization, the continued rapid evolution of information systems and shared responsibility for action.

Community participation
Public participation, too is essential for successful forest management. Fore effective participation to occur, policies, strategies, approaches, and methods are needed to support the involvement of people in managing forest resources sustainable - not to keep them out. While progress has been made, policies, rules, regulations and procedures are still evolving and further work is needed on how to actually implement participatory forest management. This will require the development of methods and tools for a partnership approach that links government, non-government, and local organizations and the sharing of lessons learnt.

Sustainable forest management demands a higher level of State investment than is allocated today. The mobilization for resources from a variety of sources will depend on the development of ways to realize and quantify the value of the multiple products and services of forests and the development of policies, which encourages investment.

Achieving sustainable forest management on a national scale will not be easy. It will require joint and enduring commitment of the government, non-governmental organizations, private industry, landowners and common citizen groups to overcome constraints and capture opportunities.

Community forestry
Community forestry enables local communities to control and manage forest and tree resources. This approach has emerged as a major strategy for sustainable forest resource management in many countries. Sustainable forest management is not possible without the involvement of the people who live in and around forests - the people who actually use the forest and depend on its products for their livelihoods.

Understanding the social, economic and cultural relationships between people and forests is a key aspect of community forestry. It is also important to understand the incentives, which encourage local people to use and manage their resources sustainably.

Through its Community Forestry Unit, The National Forest Programme can play a lead role in this field, particularly through the development and use of participatory methods and tools to increase local people's awareness and involve them in all aspects of forest management. Activities should be concentrated in areas such as communal management of forest resources, food security and nutrition, tree and land tenure, non-timber forest products, small-scale forest-based enterprises, marketing information systems and farmers' research and extension. The development and dissemination of information materials should be a priority.

Forestry and food security
Food security means ensuring physical and economic access to food and adequate nutrition for all people at all times. Trees and forests play an important role in providing food security. They provide food for humans and fodder for livestock, energy for cooking for more than half of our population, medicinal products, employment and income. They help maintain the soil and water resource base and the ecological balance essential to food and agricultural production.

Sustainable forest management practices that include the participation of local people are essential if forests and trees are to effectively address people's needs in terms of food security and overall socioeconomic development.

The National Forestry Programme should have a broad-based interdisciplinary approach incorporating all development sectors in achieving food security. This approach, and the role of forestry within it, are clearly set out in the Plan of action adopted at the World Food Summit, hosted by FAO in November 1996, which states, 'Food security depends, inter alia, on sustainable management of fish, forests and wildlife'.

The Programme should stress capacity building in all of its work in forestry development. Emphasis should be placed on building national capabilities in forest policy development and strategic planning, on institutional strengthening, on human resources development and on assisting local communities and organizations. This includes assistance in training staff, developing efficient extension methodologies and supporting research in sustainable forest management.

Technological advancement
As a result of the realisation of the need for better management to save the existing forests, it is necessary to make use of modern technology for inventory and data collection. Much of the date should not only used for research purposes, but also readily available for forest managers to make vital decisions. For example, the Kerala State Forest Department with the help of the Kerala Forest Research Institute, Thrisoor, has recently decided to make extensive use of a unique bio-monitoring project aimed at enabling systematic and constant monitoring of changes in vegetation and wildlife, climatic and atmospheric variations and their effect on several species, study of insects and microflora, and regular soil analysis for acidity, nutrient and moisture content.

The first of its kind in India, this study enabled the formulation of a more efficient forest management strategy for forest reserves, wildlife! Parks and sanctuaries in the State. It also studied the behavioural patterns and migratory habits of birds and animals. The state forest department also made use of the satellite data provided by the National Remote Sensing Agency, for vegetation mapping, and collaborate with the Tropical Botanical Gardens and Research Institute and the Center for Earth Science Studies.

Future
The scenario for the future is to aim for a slowing of the rate of deforestation in our country. We should know more accurately the location, extent, composition, health and value of many of the goods and services represented by forest ecosystems and trees in the landscape. Informed and constructive debate between a wide range of interest groups should be increasingly used to develop consensus on forest management, particularly in defining sustainable forest management and in striking a balance between environmental and developmental objectives. Policy changes will help to remove restrictions on forestry development, will promote participatory approaches towards their management, and will encourage the equitable distribution of benefits. The role of trees and forests in contributing to food security and environmental protection will be enhanced and better recognized.


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