The Russian economy is on the brink of collapse. Its treasury is empty and cannot meet its obligations. 18 of its 20 major banks have effectively failed on account of bad debts. Millions of State employee like soldiers, teachers, coal miners have not been paid their wages for months, some for twelve months. The majority of companies do not pay their bills or pay them with barter. The government lives on credit; recently it borrowed from the railway Ministry to pay off striking coal miners who had blocked the Trans-Siberian Railway. Some cities are without electricity on account of unpaid bills while Vladivistock has ground to a halt. It is unable to collect taxes to bridge its budget deficit of 5.6 per cent of GDP. Its foreign debt is about $150 billion and domestic debt $57 billion and debt service payments absorb half of its revenue. Unemployment, according to the ILO is 9 per cent and many have been reduced to penury and beggary and forced to turn to crime and alcoholism. Life expectancy of males is as low as 58 years. Price of oil and gas, Russia's main exports has fallen in the world market reducing its foreign exchange earnings. Its stock market has crashed and it is worth half of its value a year ago and interest rates on short-term government debt have soared to 210 per cent. Russia is undoubtedly an economic basket case with things getting worse instead of better. People are seething with discontent and resentment and are in a restive mood.

Robber barons
Russia was in economic crisis for a very long time and the changeover from socialism to capitalism made it worse. Average annual economic growth which was 2.8 per in 1980-1990 became negative in recent years and was minus 9 per cent in 1990-1996. It all began with the deregulation and accelerated privatization of about 70 per cent of State-owned enterprises as a prerequisite to build a free market economy based on private enterprise. In the early phase, former Communist Party officials and factory managers who had embezzled millions of State funds grabbed most of the State enterprises, sometimes without government approval and sometimes with government approval and financial support at ridiculously low prices. This was described as 'bandit capitalism' by Yeltsin himself. Subsequently, under 'loans for shares' programmes major banks which had lent money to government since 1995 against the shares of State enterprises, as collateral, were allowed to buy the units well below market prices. This is described as 'Klepto Capitalism'. Thereafter, corrupt nomenklatura and other racketeers who had made money by bending or breaking laws, bribery, stealing, smuggling, black-marketing and speculation formed into underworld syndicates to take control of several sectors of the economy. This is described as 'Mafia capitalism'. Thus, deregulation and privatization have established a crude and ruthless 'robber baron' type of capitalism bent on making money by the most questionable means.

The Russian economy has in the last three years passed into the hands of a small group of corrupt businessmen and banks, seven of whom control nearly 50 per cent of the economy with strong presence in energy, minerals and media. They are known as the 'oligarchs'. Rarely have so few grabbed so much of wealth so quickly. They have enormous wealth and power and are the strongest supporters of Yeltsin having financed his election campaign and helped to cover up his heart attacks before the election. They generally oppose all laws and regulations which would reduce their profits. The companies owned by them have not invested or streamlined to become income-producing and job-creating enterprises; instead, they make money by buying and selling, speculation, black- marketing and smuggling and send their profits abroad without reinvesting at home.

Crime and corruption
Crime and corruption are the central economic facts of life in Russia. They take various forms: tax evasion, capital flight, extortion, bribes, embezzlement and murder which are rooted in 'bandit/klepto-capitalism'. Crime groups or Mafia have now grabbed about 40 per cent of State assets and taken control of many companies in several sectors of the economy such as precious and non-ferrous metals, urban real estate, commercial fishing, auto-production and banking. Government officials themselves are corrupt, particularly the customs and the police; many policemen now routinely extort protection money from traders. A study by Massachusetts has revealed that 76 per cent of the small traders in Moscow pay protection money compared to only 6 per cent in Warsaw. State funds sent to pay salaries of State employees are reported to have been embezzled by top officials in some regions. Recently, the head of statistics was arrested on bribery charges and the popular general Lev Rokhliv who opposed Yeltsin was found suspiciously murdered. Law and order have broken down and the crime rate is rising; Yeltsin is now considered a spent force and people lack confidence in his ability to lead Russia. The regional governors are edging away from Kremlin's control while the Duma is opposed to IMF inspired economic reforms.

The West and the IMF were not much concerned about the 'bandit/klepto Capitalism' in Russia as they thought that the bandit capitalists would eventually go straight; having obtained wealth by questionable means, they would have the government preserve it with property laws and effective governance. This hope, however, was not fulfilled and Russian capitalism shows little evidence of changing its crude and ruthless character. The greater part of the economy still remains underground partly to evade tax and partly to escape from laws and regulations. Billions of taxes are not being collected from individuals and companies partly on account of deliberate tax evasion, partly because of the complicated and confiscatory nature of the tax code, partly because regional governors do not remit the centre's full share of tax revenue and partly because of the horsedeal made by Yeltsin and the 'oligarchs' who supported him. Thus, there are little signs of the beginnings of a tax paying culture. The enabling environment has not been created to inspire confidence among foreign investors. In 1997 for instance, foreign direct investment in Russia with its crude capitalist free market was only $6.0 billion while in China with a socialist market economy it was $40.2 billion. In fact, there was no bidder for the sale under privatization of the giant oil corporation - Rosneft - a few months back.

IMF's dealings
The IMF began to assist Russia with loans amounting to $ 22.6 billion on certain conditions. It was required to raise revenue by 3 per cent, cut spending by 15 per cent, cut 200,000 jobs in the State sector, cease indexing pensions to inflation and rescind tax breaks to compensate oil companies for the fall in world market prices. As Russia was slow in implementing these reforms, the IMF delayed releasing all the funds; about $ 18 billion remains unspent. Nevertheless, some progress was made: inflation rate which was as high as 1353 per cent in 1992 was brought down to 190 per cent in 1995 and 7.8 per cent in 1998. Tax collections improved with the appointment of a new tax collector and tax raids on large firms like Gazprom and United Energy Services and the balance of payments showed surpluses.

Nevertheless, government revenue was insufficient to meet its obligations and while government officials remained unpaid, as stated earlier, some of Russian regions defaulted on agro-bonds in which foreigners had invested. Defaults in the domestic bond market are estimated at $40 billion. The oligarchs, on their part tried to undermine the government by pushing the rouble down in order to make profits by selling oil and other exports for dollars. Yeltsin persuaded them to cooperate with the government in June, but apparently they preferred to look after their own interests.

The rouble
The rouble had begun to depreciate from about 5.6 to the US dollar in 1997 reflecting the weakness of the economy. The IMF had injected $4.3 billion to Russia's central bank's reserves in July 1998 to increase the country's foreign exchange reserves to just over $ 18 billion; but it was insufficient to ward of speculative attacks. By mid-August the Central Bank was spending $500 million a day to defend the rouble. To make matters worse, the foreign creditors of Russian banks called in their loans in advance of an anticipated devaluation and this caused difficulties for the banks.The worst blow came from George Soros who had helped Russia with a bridge loan of several hundred million dollars in 1997. In a letter to Financial Times on August 13, he argued that the Russian economic crisis was acute and the government needed to devalue the currency by 15-25 per cent to overcome it. This created a collapse of Moscow's stock and bond markets and the market anticipated a devaluation.

Yeltsin insisted that there would be no devaluation but the market did not take his announcement seriously. There was sufficient signs that there was a financial crisis. About $ 10 billion worth of government's debt was coming due over the next three months and few investors thought that the government would be able to meet these obligations.

The Imperial Bank closed its doors to prevent depositors from pulling out their money; the Central Bank intervened to prop up the SBS-Agro Bank; the Central Bank in addition placed curbs on several banks' ability to buy dollars; currency exchange shops were closed. Confidence in the rouble was eroding and the rouble weakened to 6.36-6.38 to the dollar on 14 August. Russia had no option but to take firm action. Thus, on 17 August the following measures were taken;

a) The Rouble was to be floated on a currency band of 6.0-9.5 roubles to the US dollar;

b) foreign debt payments were suspended for 90 days;

c) and domestic debt was rescheduled to free the budget money to pay the salaries and wages of government employees.

The rouble lost up to 30 per cent of its value on the day the announcement was made but regained thereafter and by 21 August it was trading around 6.2-7.0 to the dollar or a devaluation of about 10 per cent. If the rouble falls to 9.5 the dollar, it will be a 50 per cent devaluation. Apparently the rouble had fallen even more - 12 to the dollar towards the end of August. As about 50 per cent of consumer goods Russians purchase are foreign, devaluation would tend to push up the cost of living and create social unrest. On the other hand, the financial turmoil and the moratorium of repayment appear to have reduced Russia's ability to borrow from abroad.

Russia believes that the US and other Western nations will come to its rescue, once again, to save it from communism. The Western countries with the IMF, however, have expressed doubts whether an injection of financial assistance would help Russia to recover; they consider the government too weak, officials too corrupt and the country to be chaotic for any reform to succeed. There is no guarantee that aid funds will go to where it is intended and that Russia will implement market-oriented reforms. About $ 108 billion pumped by USA private and public sectors since 1993 has disappeared and the US authorities are much concerned. This may be the reason why Clinton did not promise any aid to Russia on his recent visit. As The Economist of July 11, 1998 stated 'The entire economic system in Russia is so crooked and leaky that there is no knowing where the money will go.'

These measures were followed up by the dismissal of the five month old Cabinet led by the Prime Minister - Sergei Kiriyenko by Yeltsin presumably at the instigation of the oligarchs, and handing over the government to Victor Chernomyrdin, the former Prime Minister Yeltsin had got rid of. The Communist dominated Duma, however, has refused to ratify Chernomyrdin's appointment. The economic catastrophe and the political instability caused alarm all over the world. The Russian devaluation and political and economic chaos coming on the top of the depreciating yen and currency crisis in South East Asia and South Korea were interpreted by many as heralding a worldwide depression. Share market prices fell all round and on Friday the 28th of August they were lower by 3.5 per cent in Tokyo, 2.8 per cent in Singapore, 1.2 per cent in Hong Kong, by 1.5 per cent in South Korea and 3.4 per cent in Malaysia. Singapore and Malaysian stocks hit 10 year low and Philippines shares sank to their lowest level in six and a half years. Strangely enough, George Soros lost £1.25 billion in Russian economic collapse, as he had lost $38 million through investments in the Japanese yen in 1994. However, as his Quantum Fund had made profits elsewhere, this loss in Russia was of a little consequence.

Sri Lanka's Tea Exports
Russia has in recent years become the largest market for Sri Lanka's tea. Its purchases increased from 13.8 million kilos in 1994 to 46.5 million kilos in 1996 and 54.8 million kilos in 1997. It purchased directly in 1997, about 20.4 per cent of the total volume of Sri Lanka's tea exports; this quantity was valued at Rs. 9,803 million or 23.1 per cent of the total value. Russia, according to tea circles, buys another 7.7-10.0 per cent of Sri Lanka's exports indirectly via re exports from Turkey and United Arab Emirates. Thus, Russia and the other countries of the former Soviet Union purchase as large as 28 to 30 per cent of Sri Lanka's tea exports. In the first half of 1998, Sri Lanka exported 27.6 million kilos of tea direct to Russia which even exceeded the 26.3 million kilos exported in the first half of 1997. It is these heavy purchases of Russia that have been instrumental in raising the average auction price of tea from Rs. 65.12 per kilo in 1994 to Rs. 119.40 in 1997 and Rs. 139.00 in the first half of 1998 and contributed to Sri Lanka's economic growth.

A devaluation of the Russian rouble tends to raise the price of imported tea in the Russian market. Tea is an essential item in Russian food and beverage consumption and a small increase in price resulting from a slight devaluation may not cause a fall in demand for it. Russian economy's future, however, is uncertain and bleak and the rouble may fall in value further in the near future. Such a rapid fall in the value of rouble is likely to raise the price of tea to a level which may reduce demand. Besides, as Russia is a bankrupt country which has imposed a moratorium on its foreign debt payments it is not certain whether it will have the money maintain its tea imports. It is as a result of these fears and the selective buying by Russia that the Colombo auction prices dropped - low-grown by about Rs. 10.00 per kg - and Colombo all share index fell by 91 points from 598 to 507 or by about 15 per cent. The amount of tea unsold in the auctions rose from 10 per cent to 15 per cent on account of the Russian debacle. Thus, the future of Sri Lanka's tea exports to Russia is rather uncertain.

The curious thing is that in spite of not having money to pay the soldiers, teachers and coal miners at home and bond holders abroad, Russia continued to purchase large volumes of Sri Lankan tea in recent months.

The low-down sanctimonious impeachment blues
By Gwynne Dyer

'If the deponent is the person who has oral sex performed on him, then the contact is not with anything on that list [of naughty bits which it would constitute 'sexual relations' to touch], but with the lips of another person. Let me remind you, sir, I read this carefully.-Bill Clinton, explaining to the grand jury last month that Monica Lewinsky had 'sexual relations' with him, but he didn't have sexual relations with her.

'I hope that millions of families all over America are,in a way,growing stronger because of this.'- Clinton, two days before the publication of the Star Report.

I know it's supposed to be serious, but somwhere between the hair-splitting lawyer bit and the sanctimonious patriarch act I just broke up. I'm sorry, but I think it's funny. I mean, if he had stuck to sheep he wouldn't be in all this trouble. It goes to show what you miss when you lose out on a classical education. The ancient Greeks may have been kinky, but they knew how to combine priapism and public life. As Aristotle (I think it was) put it: 'a woman for duty, a boy for pleasure, a sheep for discretion.'

But the Arkansas public schools no longer teach the classics, so now the papers, which at this time of year would normally contain mind-rottingly boring analyses of the Congressional mid- term elections, are filled instead with exciting top-shelf reading material. 'The boy just doesn't learn, does he?' Gennifer Flowers put it when the Paula Jones story hit the news - but he does keep us entertained.

He is also contributing, albeit inadvertently, to the embellishment of the language, which is daily being enriched by delightful new phrases like 'contrition offensive'. However, like Hitler's invasion of Russia, Clinton's contrition offensive got started too late in the season, with potentially fatal results.

Catch-phrase
There was a famous (but never publicised) catch-phrase in the Second World War. Some say it was the British who originated it, others the Australians, but it was what you said when your platoon had spent the whole afternoon working its way closer to a German pillbox, and you had already lost half a dozen killed and wounded, and just as you got close enough to chuck a grenade in through the machine-gun slit - out came the crew with their hands up.

What you said was 'Too late, chum', and shot them down anyway. That is approximately what is going to happen to Bill Clinton, who has been fatally behind the music at every step of the dance. To get a free pardon in the court of public opinion, you have to get your apology in before they convict you.

Stumbling reluctantly from full-throated denial ('That woman!', February '98) to mumbled evasions ('not appropriate', mid- August), then to long-range apologies ('Sorry', Ireland, late August), and finally to abject self-condemnation only as the impeachment machinery lurches into motion ('I have sinned', White House, 11 September), makes it look as if the boy is insincere.

America is a deeply religious country with maudlin and easily distracted media, so getting all sanctimonious and penitential usually works well for a politician. It is probably not going to work for Clinton, because his contrition has been too slow and too sly. Some time in the next few months, he will probably be forced to resign. But so what?

Sanctity
American pundits burble on about the 'sanctity' of the presidential office - which is imbued with a quasi-religious quality in the eyes of many Americans - and fret about how Clinton's impeachment and/or resignation will undermine it. But the truth is that the U.S. presidency is one of the weakest seats of executive power in the world (the 'separation of powers', remember?), and that it makes little difference to the real world whether Clinton stays or goes.

Rating
Clinton's high approval rating with voters is mostly due to the long boom in the U.S. economy - which, as any economist will tell you, he can take no credit whatever for. His major initiatives in domestic policy, in six years in office, could be counted on the fingers of one badly mutilated hand. And as for foreign policy - well, he does bomb places occasionally, but the Pentagon won't let him bomb anywhere more dangerous than Sudan and Afghanistan.

In fact, if a lengthy impeachment crisis completely paralyses U.S. foreign policy, you won't even notice the difference. Nothing will be done to bring the Middle Eastern peace process back from the grave, nobody will stop the Serbs from doing to Kosovo what they did to Bosnia, nothing will be done on a dozen other issues - but nothing decisive was being done before, either.

Enjoy
So just lie back and enjoy the spectacle. Clinton doesn't exactly deserve what's going to happen to him, in the sense that EVERYBODY lies about their sex lives (except eunuchs, perhaps, and even they...). But he's such a cowardly, manipulative hypocrite that you can't really object to the workings of Fate on this occasion.

There's also much entertainment to be had from watching the Republicans squirm as they try to avoid the increasingly likely denouement: a Clinton resignation just after the halfway point of his term in January, and the elevation of Al Gore to the presidency in ample time to bury the scandal, boost his own profile, and dash their hopes of capturing the office in 2000.

And the lasting relevance of this affair (if there is any)? Only a greater reluctance among over-sexed male politicians to believe that 21-year-old women do not discuss their sex lives with their girlfriends, and perhaps a rise in the popularity of sheep.

The objective of this article is to create a public awareness regarding the problem of vehicle parking, remind the public of their responsibilities regarding road side parking and finally to indicate to the municipal councils of some of the untapped resources which they do not make use of. As an introduction to the subject let us look at the different methods of on-street and off-street parking.

A large proportion of trips in day to day activities involve a driver and passenger using a private motor vehicle to reach a desired destination irrespective of whether the trip is private, official, business or leisure. Parking has an important role to play in helping these activities, and therefore to enhance the transport system. Without appropriate parking areas, drivers cannot stop and park their vehicles before participating in activities. At the most initial level, parking is needed to accommodate vehicles when they are not in use. At the other extreme, provision of parking can be used to encourage or discourage urban development. The priority given for parking in the developing town areas in this country is much less compared to some other countries. Neglecting parking requirements is a classic example of unplanned urban development which finally transfers the burden on the surrounding road network.

The historic development of parking is such that roadways where it contained spare capacity was initially used for parking. This type of parking is referred to as on-street parking. A parking area created solely for storing vehicles outside the carriageway of a street is referred to as off-street parking. Private off-street parking may range in size from a house owners garage to large industrial, commercial or residential parking structures.

When parking is considered as an environmental issue, parked vehicles can be intrusive and can detract from environmental amenity. Parking can be provided either on-street or off-street in urban areas. Off-street parking provides considerable opportunities for blending the parking in with the general environment. Underground parking, where land values justify the cost, allow the construction of buildings or open areas over the parking lot. Above ground parking can be blended in by using similar construction materials and architectural features as the surrounding buildings. When parking areas are allocated in rural areas it has to be emphasised that the beauty of these areas should not be adversely affected by inappropriate provision of parking. Care should be taken to shield parking from sensitive views and to avoid confused and unsightly parking arrangements in local towns, particularly where the streetscape is of some historical importance.

Supply and demand for parking
The demand for parking generally relates to the land use or land use served. Parking demand for various land use and development types are generally set down in different countries by various planning authorities to suit the local conditions.

Along with the demand for parking the supply for parking becomes necessary. Whether free or commercial the purpose of parking is to provide a service, enhance local economic values, increase production, reduce street congestion, or attain combinations of these goals. The proper location of new general purpose parking facilities is essential if they are to provide the required services. The amount of existing parking should be taken into account when determining the need for new parking.

Factors that determine appropriate locations for parking.

• expected users
• extent of parking shortage
• the level of facility
• cost
• existing parking and street system

The location and type of major generators of vehicles must be considered if a new facility is to be of maximum service. The location of potential new generators also should be given attention.

Parking facilities are provided for many different people who may be participating in a diversity of activities. Some of these activities may be short term in nature, others may require a longer stay. Some parkers may have particular difficulties that make it difficult for them to walk a considerable distance. Therefore the characteristics of the user need has to be taken into account when determining the location for parking. Provision of parking too far away from the actual area of shortage may result in limited usage. Parking should be provided within a "convenient walking distance" from the area of activity. But the definition of "convenient walking distance" may vary with a number of factors such as;

• trip purpose
• activity being undertaken
• the duration of stay
• size of urban centre (or shopping area)

Greater distances may be accepted if the actual walking distance is reduced by the use of moving footways or travelators as in some developed countries.

Cost of facility
Economic conditions play a major part in the location of off-street parking. It also affects the type of parking facility needed. The main cost of supplying of parking is the development of cost. Once parking is supplied if fees are charged the amount to be charged may be determined by the market demand. The other factors which influence the cost of facility, includes the construction cost and land purchase cost.

Location of parking areas
The location of parking areas relative to the major road system is an important consideration. Parking areas need to be close to, and have good accessibility to the main roads, in order to minimise traffic intrusion to local street areas. In general, parking areas should be near and around commercial centres and have good access to the road system.

On-street parking
As described earlier, on-street parking is when vehicles are allowed to park along the roadway itself on the spare carriageways. There are two different locations for on-street parking.

(1) Kerbside parking
(2) Centre of the road parking
Parking also can be arranged at various angles to the kerbline.

Kerbside parallel parking

Kerbside parking is the most common type of on-street parking. The size of parking spaces are dependent on the overall vehicle dimensions. In kerbside parallel parking the vehicles should only be allowed to park so that the front of the vehicle faces the direction of the nearby traffic flow. This avoids a lot of unnecessary traffic conflicts with the main traffic stream when the vehicle is parked or moved away from the parking space. It is very important that the councils should encourage kerbside parallel parking to avoid commonly observed unnecessary traffic conflicts at parking and moving off. To practice kerbside parallel parking the drivers should be encouraged to master the reverse parking techniques which is rarely seen in this country. The parking can also be allowed; 300 degrees, 450 degrees, 600 degrees or 900 degrees to the kerb where the carriage ways are sufficiently wide.

Choice of angle of parking
The most common form of kerbside parking on roadways is parallel parking. It has the least impact on through vehicles and requires less lane width than other parking angles. Other parking configurations can be used to suit particular situations.

Angle parking (ie. parking at angles other than that for parallel parking) can accommodate up to twice as may vehicles along a kerb than parallel parking. The difference is a function of the angle used, low angles (less than 30 degrees) given little advantage. The maximum advantage is given when 90 degree parking is used. Further, angle parking may be more convenient to the parker since the parking manoeuvre can be easier than with parallel parking. The decision of whether to use angle parking may be based on consideration of:

• width of road
• traffic volume
• type of traffic
• speed characteristics
• vehicle dimensions
• turnover expected
• nature of the neighbourhood or abutting land uses
• Road functional classification

Angle parking also has its disadvantages; it requires more road space for parking and unparking manoeuvres than parallel parking configurations. It is also not easily adaptable to commercial vehicle parking as the increased length of these vehicles encroaches into traffic lanes. Reversing out of ‘front-in’ angle parking spaces involves some of the vehicle protruding into the adjacent traffic lanes before the driver can see oncoming vehicles. This adversely affects traffic safety and also interferes with the free movement of through traffic.

Parking restrictions at intersections
Parking should be designed so as not to interfere with sight distance or impede the flow of turning traffic at intersections. Regulations should prohibit parking within certain distances from the cross road property boundaries for the intersections to have efficient throughputs.

In addition to restrictions at intersections. Parking is usually prohibited for specified distances in the vicinity of:

— pedestrian crossings
— bus stops
— railway level crossings
— fire hydrants and on some road bridges unless specific provision has been made.

Centre of the road parking
On roads where conditions are appropriate, parking may be provided in the centre of the road. The combination of kerbside parking and centre of the road parking provides a large number of parking places per unit length. Centre of the road parking can be combined with parallel kerbside parking. It is rarely possible to combine angle kerb parking with centre of the road parking because of the large amount of road space required. Centre of the road parking is usually arranged as 90 degree parking in a single row with drive in and drive out usage. In some situations it may involve parallel parking adjacent to a median kerb.

Centre of the road parking can be arranged such that too separates the two directional traffic and to provide a continuous refuge for pedestrians. The disadvantage is that this type of parking generates additional pedestrian movements across the road. That is, pedestrians leaving and returning to their vehicle have to cross the main traffic stream to reach the footpath. Generally centre of the road parking should only be considered in streets with little through traffic and where all traffic moves slowly. When introducing any type of centre of the road parking it is essential to prefer ample visibility at intersections. Hazardous conditions are brought about by permitting access to centre of the road parking within a median too close to intersections or pedestrian crossings.

No bollards
A recent development in the local municipal councils, as a measure to prevent the vehicles being parked on the kerbs and pedestrian walkways the councils have started constructing concrete stumps of 1 foot high and 6 inch diameter along the kerbs. These series of concrete stumps are called bollards. It can be said that bollards are not the solution to on-kerb parking and on-kerb parking should be discouraged by installing parking signs and enforcing the law. The bollards are dangerous and have the following harmful effects:

1. may injure the pedestrians by accidentally tilting on them

2. these concrete stumps are visually unpleasant, and the roads are given a bad appearance

3. severe accidents may occur to vehicles running off the road.

Hence the municipal councils should realise the absurdity of these bollards and take immediate steps to stop fixing these on our roads. The councils should take measures to appoint their own parking enforcement teams to look after the parking offences and collecting parking fees rather than expecting this activity from the traffic police.

Off-street parking
Off-street parking is when a parking area is created solely for storing vehicles outside the carriageways. Off-street parking systems often form an interface between the road network and other land uses. The parking facility would be best located between the main access route and the eland use reserved. Location of the parking system should consider the major routes on which traffic approaches the area as well as the streets immediately adjacent to the propose site. Major routes are often located close to the business centre and off-street parking should be placed on the business district side of the routes to minimise the need for pedestrians to cross the major route and to discourage parking on the road.

As discussed in earlier, the size of parking spaces are related to the vehicle base dimensions. The type of land use and user characteristics. Clearances are added to the base dimensions to determine the size of a parking space as discussed previously for on-street parking.

Entrances and exits
The following factors should be considered in setting the location of entrances and exits from parking areas:

• Locate entry/exits clear of intersections and other locations of complex traffic movement.

• Locate entry/exits where conflicts with pedestrians and bicyclists are minimised

• Locate entrances to minimise possible bank up of traffic into the street

• Locate exits where adequate sight distance to street traffic is available

Parking controls
Parking controls are enforced with the following objectives

1. To increase capacity by freeing road space for the use of traffic in movement

2. to provide drivers a good vision field and to simplify traffic flow by eliminating parked vehicles

3. to increase parking revenue by having a time control on parking

4. to restrain traffic volume by prohibiting long-time parking

5. to transfer people from private cars to public transport in order to reduce traffic congestion

Disadvantages
• increased walking distance
• circulating vehicle searching for parking spaces
• effects on environment by increasing through traffic
• traders losing customers due to lack of on-street parking

No standing
The no standing situation is different from the no parking situation, and could be explained as follows:

Standing is halting a vehicle temporarily for a brief interval for receiving or discharging passengers. When a sign indicates no standing, a vehicle is not allowed to have even a brief stop to pick-up or discharge passengers.

Parking is halting other than temporaly with the engine stopped. Hence when a sign indicates no parking, a vehicle may stand for a while to pick up or discharge passengers but not allowed to stop the vehicle with the engine off. Therefore no standing is a more serious restriction to a driver than no parking.

No standing is implemented with the objectives:

1. to increase capacity by freeing road space for the use of traffic mobility

2. to secure vision field for driving and avoid weaving manoeuvres by eliminating standing vehicles on carriage way.

Disadvantages:
• increased walking distance
• reduced places for loading and unloading

Off-road parking as a solution
Every effort should be made to encourage the opening up of private off-road parking areas. The fare structure should be controlled by the councils so that these new parking areas will not attract additional traffic into the city. Policies should be formulated such that investors to be promoted to build multi-level off-road parking structures and collecting a government regulated fee for the provision of parking. In this respect the councils should be careful to monitor these parking areas. The councils should see that the minimum parking standards, proper entry/exit requirements and internal vehicle circulation standards are maintained in the parking structure. It is important to mention at this stage the meaning of multi-storey off-road parking structures owned by private entrepreneurs does not mean small crowded areas with vehicles touching each other and struggling to take ones vehicle through the circulation course.

Sri Lankans can be proud of three cultural elements, which are associated with her. They are: the Sinhala language, the Pali language and, the Theravada Buddhist doctrine. We know that Sri Lanka was a recognised centre for Buddhism, but we tend to think of Sinhala as a localised language, which does not extend beyond the shores of Sri Lanka. It is therefore of interest to know that the Maldives and the Lakshadweep islands also show the influence of Sinhala.

The attached map shows the geographical position of these islands. They are near the western side of the Indian subcontinent, close to Kerala and Sri Lanka. The Maldives and Lakshadweep are coral archipelagos. The Maldives are grouped together in clusters, called 'atolls'. There are about 1000 tiny islands, These islands are generally situated along encircling coral reefs and stand about 5 or 6 feet above the sea. The climate is similar to that of the extreme south west of Sri Lanka. Writing in 1938, H. C. P. Bell found that 'many islands are in part covered by compact maritime low jungle and trees, differing hardly at all from the tangled and well-known growth common to the sea board of Ceylon, where uncleared." (Bell p 13). Bell found coconut trees in abundance, also breadfruit trees.

There have been sporadic references to the Maldives in various travellers accounts from 2 AD. The most useful however are the accounts of the traveller Ibn Batuta in the 14 century. (1343-1344), the Frenchman Pyrad, who got stranded on the islands between 1602-1607, and the account by two Englishmen, Young and Christopher, who were sent to the Maldives in 1835 as part of a marine survey team. These accounts were followed in 1938, by a report titled "the Maldive Islands. Monograph on the history, archaeology and epigraphy" by H. C. P. Bell. (1940).

The monograph by H. C. P. Bell is considered a key reference work. Bell, was a Britisher, who ended his career in Sri Lanka (Ceylon) as the Archaelogical Commissioner for Ceylon. Bells introduction to the Maldives came when he was shipwrecked there in 1879. He took a look round and submitted a report to the British government in Ceylon. He thereafter visited the Maldives in 1920 and again in 1922 to study and report on the existence of Buddhism in the Maldives. Bell prepared a very comprehensive report, which was published in 1940.

Thereafter, the journal of the Royal Asiatic Society carried articles on the Maldives.

Wilhelm Geiger also tried to study the Maldivian language. In the contemporary period, two Sri Lankan scholars, M. W. S. De Silva and J. B. Dissanayake, specialists in Sinhala have also looked at the Maldivian culture.

Let us return to the views of H. C. P. Bell. Bell, writing in the 1930's, declared. "At this day it is not open to doubt that the archipelago was occupied either directly from Ceylon, or alternatively about the same time as the immigration to that island by people of Aryan stock and language." This supposition is supported greatly by the close kinship between the Maldivian and Sinhalese languages. (Bell P 130 In support of this Bell cites Pyrard, who in the 17 century wrote:" the islanders hold that the Maldives began to be inhabited only four hundred years ago, and that the first who came and peopled them were the "Cingalles" of the island of Ceylon." (Bell P 13, footnote)

Bell cites in support of this, the 'colonisation myth' of the time. This myth states that a prince of royal birth, Koimala who had married the Ceylon king's daughter, made a voyage with her to the Maldives, where they got temporarily stranded. The Maldive islanders, on learning that they were of 'Ceylon Royal descent' invited them to remain, and proclaimed Koimala as their king. The ships were sent back to Lanka, to bring over other people of the 'Lion race' (Sinhalese). (I have adapted this from Bell's account on P 16) the anthropologist, Maloney, researching in the 1970's found other variants of this legend. One myth collected by him from Manadu, in Noon Atol stated: "A hunter-king of Sri Lanka while hunting one day caught a man-beast in his net. The man-beast later married the king's daughter. But he made political trouble in Sri Lanka, so was forced to leave. He and the princess arrived in rasgetimu an island in Maldives) and they lived there for some time. Then the people asked them to rule". As Maloney remarks, these resemble the Vijaya myth of the Sri Lankan chronicles. (C. Maloney. "People of the Maldive Islands" Orient Longman, 1980s, p 30-31) However, as Bell pointed out at the time, the Sri Lanka chronicles have not mentioned the Maldives.

Bell declares "that there ever existed political dependency of Maldives upon Ceylon, maybe rejected unhesitatingly. Otherwise the total silence regarding the islands in the Mahavamsa and all other Sinhalese chronicles known, cannot reasonably be explained. There is the further important piece of evidence deducible from the classical writer Marcellinus of 4th century A.D. that in the account of the embassy to the Emperor Julian (362 S.D.) the "divi" or Maldive Islands were carefully differentiated, even then from the 'Serendivi" or Ceylonese" (Bell P 16).

The influence then has been cultural. The Maldivian language, called 'Divehi" is similar to Sinhala. H. C. P. Bell spotted this as early as the 1920's. He stated that a very large proportion of the Maldivian vocabulary consisted of either pure Sinhalese words, modified due to Arabic influence of words derived from roots common to both languages. To these were added a considerable number of words of foreign origin, chiefly Hindustani. (Bell 14) Geiger also tried to analyse the language, briefly, by speaking to some Maldivians who happened to be in Ceylon when he was here.

M. W. S. de Silva, a specialist in Sinhala went across to the Maldives in 1969 to study the inaguage. He studied the modern or currently spoken language. He found that Divehi consisted of influences from different periods of Sinhala usage. The bulk of the grammar of Divehi resembled the grammar of Sinhala between the 10th and 12 centuries. But some elements resembled the Sinhala which could be acted as pre-8th century, possibly going back as far as 4 AD. He also found Prakrit elements not directly related to Sinhala and some non Sinhala elements. Divehi, he concluded indicated different strata of Sinhala influence. (M. W. S. de Silva. "Some affinities between Sinhalese and Maldivian." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 14, 1970 p 26)

In 1981, two professors of Sinhala, J. B. Disanayake and Hemapala Wijewardene were invited to the Maldives to help decipher a copper plate grant. He found that modern Divehi used words easily recognisable to a Sinhala speaker. Road was Bo tree was " " House was and tree was . The country system was "

Disanayake also found words which could be linked to old Sinhala, the Polonnaruwa period. (J. B. Dissanayake." 1982 p 31)

The anthropologist Reynolds, stated in 1980 that the Maldives was more complicated than it was thought, because under the Arab and Sinhala stratum there was also a Tamil-Malayalam stratum. He gives examples. (Reynolds P 61)

Bell also examined the Maldivian epigraphy in some detail. Some of the inscriptions and the coper plate grants were in letters which resembled the Sinhala characters.

Bell also examined inscriptions and other forms of writing. He concluded that there were three types of Maldivian writing. Firstly, the oldest form "Evela akuru" which strikingly resembled medieval Sinhala. The second form which developed out of this was "Dives akuru" which also resembles Sinhala. Both are written from left to right. The third variety, Tana was based on Arabic and Persian script and read from right to left. This seems to have been used concurrent with Dives akuru from the 17th century or so. (Bell p 15) Bell's report contains many photographs of "Evela akuru' inscriptions and writings, also 'Dives akuru' writing. These can be found on Plates A, Plate M to palte K. These photograph also indicate the changes the script went through. Reynolds also has two photographs. One of a sculpted limestone basement of mosque showing motifs derived from Buddhist architecture (plate 8), Photo of tombstone with inscriptions in Arabic and Dives Akuru. (plate 11)

There is evidence of Sinhala or rather Sri Lankan influence in some of their culture too. Reynolds found a 'sort of chant of early origin called 'bandi' which must have come from Sri Lanka, for 'bandi' is a Sinhala form of poetic composition. (Reynolds P 157) Bell commented on one type of historical chronicle, known as 'radavali'. He compares these to the position of the Sinhalee Rajavali (Bell p 198)

H. C. P. Bell's mission to the Maldives in the 1920 was to examine the Buddhist monuments found there. Between 1836 and 1920, there had been four separate reports of British researchers, that there seemed to be evidence of Buddhism in the Maldives. (Bell p 104-5) let us see what Bell had to say:

Bell was unable to explore all the inhabited islands, but even in the few that he did explore, he found proof, which 'placed the certainty of the survival of the Buddhist archaeology at the Maldives virtually outside reasonable doubt." (Bell p 105)

"Remains have been discovered, greatly wrecked and sadly ravaged almost beyond recognition in places, that suffice, by surprisingly good fortune, absolutely to establish past shadow of doubt the irrefutable former existence of pronounced Buddhism in the Maldives. The archaeological investigation of 1992 was able to locate definitely indubitable ruins of Buddhist Monasteries in the Southern atols at four islands, all of which are inhabited to this day." (Bell p 107)

"further examination has rendered it equally patent that these ruined Monasteries probably comprised most, if not all, of the recognised orthodox elements of Buddhist sangharmas as commonly featured in Ceylon Archaeology, (such as) Sthupa or Dagoba, Vihare or Pilima Ge, Watadage, Privena or Pansala. Of these component elements of Buddhist Temples brought to light by the expedition, there were found, either in hopeless or more or less dilapidated condition, five Dagoba, three Vihara and one seeming Watadage, with two Pirivena. The best preserved Buddhist remains exist in Fua Mulaku Island and at Gan Island of Haddumati Atol." (Bell 107-108)

In the 1940’s the Maldivian government also engaged in some exploration. They found stupas on the island of Toddu. Photographs of these were sent to Prof. Senerat Paranavitana in Sri Lanka. Paranavitana apparently noted certain features which resembled the Buddhist architecture of Sri Lanka and some other features which seemed to pre-date Sri Lanka’s stupas. (Maloney. p. 86-87) Maloney points out that the Maldives may have been mentioned in the Buddhist literature. The Pali text Khuddakapatha has a commentary reference “Opposite the 2000 paritta dipa,” the smaller islands. Maloney says that this reference confirms knowledge of the Maldives at the time of Buddhist expansionism. (Maloney p. 41).

Lakshadweep, a union territory of India since 1956 was formerly called the Laccadive, Minicoy and Amindivi islands. This is a group of about two dozen coral islands. H. C. P. Bell, in 1922 considered Minicoy, the southern most island as part of the Maldives and therefore exposed to Sri Lankan (Ceylon) influence, like the rest of the Maldives (Bell p. 13). The Lakshadweep islands were at one time under the Kerala kingdom and aspects of the Kerala culture were passed on. At present, most of the islanders are Muslims who speak Malayalam, the language of Kerala. However, in the island of Minicoy, the language spoken is Mahl. This is akin to old Sinhalese. Modern day Mahl is a mixture of Urdu and Sinhalese and is written from right to left as Urdu, Persian and Arabic are written.

The Tamil separatist movement has suggested, at various times, that the Tamil-Saivite civilization followed by the Sri Lankan Tamils is an older and more significant civilization than the Sinhala-Buddhist civilization.

Therefore it is useful to see how far the Tamil-Saivite civilization now symbolised in the modern state of Tamilnadu, has influenced South India.

Tamil is one of the major languages of southern India. It is considered to be the oldest and most richly developed of the Dravidian language. There are about 60 million Tamil speakers in India. In addition it is spoken in northeastern Sri Lanka, Malayasia, Singapore, Fiji, Mauritius, Trinidad, Guyana, Zanzibar and parts of East Africa. (Katzner. “Languages of the world” 1995 p. 199). However, one look at the states of South India indicate, immediately, that the Tamil language has not been able to entrench itself in South India, despite the fact that parts of South India were under the Tamil speaking Chola kings in the 10 to 14th centuries.

Andhra Pradesh was the first to demand and get a linguistic state. In 1956 the state of Andhra Pradesh was established, with Telegu as its regional langauge. Telegu is spoken by about 70 million and it is the most widely spoken of the four major Dravidian languages of South India. The Telegu alphabet most closely resembles that of Kannada, both of them having developed out of the Grantha script, which appeared in India about 5 A.D. (Katzner p. 196) Andhra Pradesh, which has a land area of 106, 195 sq. miles, has its own tradition of art and architecture. It is the home of the Kuchipudi dance style. It was also, more significantly, the centre of the Vijayanagara Empire which succeeded in controlling the whose of South Asia, including Tamil Nadu, from 1336-1646. The Jaffna peninsula, was also subjugated by this empire.

The South Indian state of Karnataka was set up as a separate linguistic state in 1973 with Kannada as its official regional language. It is spoken by about 35 million people. The Kannada alphabet is similar to that used in Telegu, but the langauge itself is related to Tamil and Malayalam. (Katzner 197), Karnataka, known earlier as “Mysore” is 74,051 sq. miles in size. Karnataka is India’s chief source for gold, silver and coffee. It provides the build of the world’s supply of sandalwood. Culturally it is an amalgam of the various dynasties that have ruled various parts of the state, in early times.

The fourth and last state of modern South India is Kerala. It was formed as a separate linguistic state in 1956, with Malayalam as its official regional language. Malayalam is spoken by about 35 million speakers, and it is recognized as an offshoot of Tamil. The alphabet is in the Grantha script. Whether the Sri Lankans like it or not, it is now agreed by social historians that there were several migrations to Southwest Sri Lanka from Kerala. The geographical proximity of Kerala to Sri Lanka makes this almost inevitable. Some of the families in the Southern coast of Sri Lanka were, at one time, able to trace an ancestor from Cochin. Cochin is today a part of Kerala.

Therefore it is interesting to find out something about Kerala. It is an area of about 15,005 sq. miles, about one percent of the total area of India. During the first five centuries the region was part of Tamil and thus was partially controlled by the Pandya and Chola dynasties, as well as by the Ceras. In 1 AD however, Jewish immigrants arrived. Syrian Orthodox Christians believe that St. Thomas the Apostle visited Kerala in the same century. Much of Kerala’s history from 6th to 8th century is obscure, but Arab traders introduced Islam later in the period. Under the Kulasekhara dynasty (800-1102) Malayalam emerged as a distinct language and Hinduism became prominent. The Cholas controlled Kerala during 11th and 12th centuries. In the 14th century. Ravi Varma Kulasekhara of Venad established a short-lived supremacy over southern India. After his death, Kerala became a conglomeration of warring chieftaincies, among whom the most important were Calicut in the north and Venad in the south. Then in 1498, the Portuguese came.

Present day Kerala is, apparently a mixture of Hindu temples Mosques and baroque style churches. Literature and learning, both in Tamil and Sanskrit flourished from the 2 AD. The Malayalam language was also influenced by Sanskrit and developed a prolific literature. Kathakali, is the classical martial dance form of Kerala.

Tamilnadu is today the identified centre of the Tamil-Hindu civilisation. It is surrounded by the following states and countries. Andhra Pradesh to the North, Karnataka to the west, Kerala to the south and Sri Lanka to the east.

It is now clear that with the exception of Kerala, the Tamil civilisation has made no permanent impact, Andhra Pradesh has Telegu and Kochipudi, Karnataka has Kannada and the ‘princely state ‘of Mysore and Kerala has Malayalam and Kathakali. Sri Lanka has Buddhism and Sinhala. Tamilnadu is not the biggest state in India either. The following states have a greater representation in the Lokh Sabha: Andra Pradesh (42 seats), Bihar (54), Madhya Pradesh (40), Maharashtra (48), Uttar Pradesh (85), West Bengal (42), followed by Tamilnadu with 39 seats.

To be continued.

About the author
E.C.T. Candappa was one of Sri Lanka's been feature writers in the mid-fifties till the seventies. He was an outstanding journalist at Lake House and distinguished himself as a reporter and feature writer. He is now domiciled in Australia but still very much interested in his country of origin. He visited Sri Lanka last year and interviewed many of the personalities featured in this book.

Continued from yesterday

‘And that is probably the only reason why he is tolerated in the service. But one of these days the Court Jester will go too far.’

‘I am not afraid of speaking my mind. I’m not a diplomat. I’m not paid to lie abroad for my country’s sake. You are not paid to do that in your own country either...’

Drahman disarmed him with a placatory Tamil statement, ‘Summa iru aiyya.’

Peace being temporarily restored the lecture resumed:

‘After Ceylon gained Independence from the British in 1949, D†S Senanayake, the so-called Father of the Nation - actually there was multiple paternity, and many midwives - D†S felt it safe to leave the direction of foreign policy to the British with whom many vital aspects of Ceylonese life, political, social and economic, were yet linked.

‘D†S felt it safe and expedient to have a defence pact with the British which left a base in Katunayake for the RAF and the strategic Port of Trincomalee under British control.

‘After D†S, Dudley Senanayake followed in his father’s footsteps and after him Sir John Kotelawela followed pro-British, pro-US lines in foreign policy. Even diplomatic representation reflected that.

The first three Prime Ministers had a paranoid fear of Communism.’

‘And with good reason,’ Veeraswamy interrupted. ‘Not only did they fear the militancy of the local Marxists, they were aware of the expansionist policies of the Soviet Union, and now, of China.’

‘And, of course, you feared your ten perches of tobacco cultivation would be taken over and the beedi trade nationalised.’

‘There’s no need to be personal,’ Veeraswamy said loftily.

The lecture continued:

‘But there were two occasions when even tiny Ceylon struck out on her own. When the Dutch brought their imperial might to bear on their colony in Indonesia, they sought the use of Ceylonese fuelling and victualling facilities at the Port of Colombo and the use of our air space.

‘Both requests were refused, to the delight of the people.

‘Needless to say this was after due consultation. It was allowed because the action did not conflict with British interests. It was also a point to silence the Marxists in their endless carping that Ceylon sided with imperialists.

‘It must also be noted that during this incident Mr Bandaranaike was the Leader of the House and already he was able to have his voice heard in foreign policy matters.

‘The other major independent action in foreign affairs was taken in 1952 when Ceylon signed the Rubber for Rice pact with Communist China. This was the first moment of disillusionment that Ceylon had with the west and with the Americans in particular. At the time we were spending an enormous sum of money, valuable foreign exchange as it came to be called, on the import of food, preponderantly rice. We who in our days of glory were exporting rice and were, indeed, called the ëGranary of the East,’ had to import rice. But after the rubber price boom during the Korean war, there was a slump and our balance of payments was seriously affected.

‘Ceylon turned to the West confidently. R G Senanayake, who was then Minister of Trade, first offered our rubber at a reasonable price to the US on a regular basis on an agreement for several years in order to cushion ourselves against violent price fluctuations.

‘The offer was turned down. Dudley was furious. America was merely using small countries to serve her own purposes.

‘Then R†G Senanayake led a trade delegation to China and successfully negotiated the famous Rubber for Rice Pact. This was for a five-year period renewable at the end of that period.

‘It was a barter agreement and in exchange for a specified quantity of rubber to be shipped every month China would export a stipulated amount of rice. Then the US was furious. The anti-Communist doctrine was in full force. There was an embargo on shipments of rubber to China being enforced by the United Nations. The US tried to interfere with the shipping to neutralise the agreement. The US, of course, prides itself on being a free country and the champion of freedom everywhere. But everything should conform to the interests of the almighty dollar.’

‘Bravo, bravo,’ said Veeraswamy, ‘what calculated claptrap.’

‘Thank you,’ said Drahman, ‘that morsel was especially for you to pick up. Can the caravan now move on?

‘Until the general election of 1956, foreign policy was not a big campaigning matter. But Mr Bandaranaike was to make it a fundamental factor in his general policy. There are three main factors that inspired his foreign policy. The first was his disaffection with the British. This is not common knowledge and not easily understood. It is true that he was the scion of a noble house. His father was the ultimate Sinhalese aristocrat and had also been very close to the British Raj. He entertained British officials, visiting sahibs and even Royalty in his Horogolla mansion. He had even gilt cutlery for some occasions.

‘He was a devout Christian and his only son and heir had a British governor as his godfather. Mr Bandaranaike was sent to England for his education and he read Humanities at Christ College, Oxford. Ironically it was there that he developed an aversion for the British. Until he became famous for oratory and writing, he was cold-shouldered by his British contemporaries. And this stung him. He despised their hypocrisy. To his face they were studiously polite but in the ways that only the British can hone hypocrisy to a fine art they indicated that they had no time for him.

‘It is true that Anthony Eden, later the British Prime Minister concurrently with Mr Bandaranaike, was his contemporary at Oxford, and that they were firm friends. But that was one of the few exceptions. His earliest speeches were anti-colonial.’

Veeraswamy cut in, ‘All that was his reaction to the colour bar.’

Drahman ignored him.

‘The second factor that shaped his foreign policy was the emergence of non-alignment as a political and diplomatic force in international affairs. By the time the Bandung conference was held in 1955 the world had grouped into three. The Western bloc, with the USA, Britain, France and West Germany the major partners, the Soviet bloc, with the USSR and the East European Communist satellites forming one group, and the newly emergent independent nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America forming a third, independent and non-aligned group. Nehru was keen to develop this group. And Mr Bandaranaike was a keen admirer, even a follower, of Nehru.

‘Mr Bandaranaike’s leaning towards non-alignment was partly due to his devotion to Buddhism which he embraced after he had abjured the religion of his birth and early upbringing.

‘Many say it was opportunism. He was courting the Buddhist majority.

‘His writings and speeches bear witness to the fact that he is a moderate man and the Middle Way of Buddhism found favour with him.

‘From his earliest days in politics he had a well-integrated view of the role Ceylon should play on the foreign scene. As far back as 1947, when he was in the first Cabinet after Independence, he led a delegation to a conference in India, in New Delhi. There he stated his first principles - friendship with India...’

Veeraswamy cut in again.

‘Ah, yes, I was a mere podian then, but I remember reading how he went more than somewhat cap-in-hand. He was paying pooja to Big Brother. He told India to be generous to small nations. Talked of the ancient ties between India and Sri Lanka. He, of course, idolised Nehru, though he feared India. On that occasion...’

‘Do you mind? I’m giving the briefing.’

‘Carry on.’

‘Even as far back as that Mr Bandaranaike had a strongly defined sense of an Asian bloc. At that Delhi conference he suggested a federation of Asian countries - a sort of United Asian Nations Organisation.

‘He also had a strong anti-colonial stance. He was also convinced that in foreign affairs the British line was not necessarily the best in Ceylon’s interests.

‘But it was actually after his landslide victory that he gave serious thought to the formulation of a truly independent foreign policy for Ceylon.

‘When he attended the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ conference in London in July 1956, he spoke of a dynamic neutralism and a steering away from military power blocs.

‘If I may summarise, Mr Bandaranaike’s foreign policy is designed to keep the doors of friendship open to all countries, to keep Ceylon’s interests uppermost in all dealings, to defuse tensions wherever they occur especially between the major power blocs, to pursue the goal of achieving Afro-Asian solidarity and to resist colonialism in any form.

B

‘Bear in mind also the Bandung conference which was held when Sir John Kotelawela was Prime Minister. This conference agreed to abide by the Five Principles, or Panchaseela, of peaceful co-existence. Nehru and the Chinese Prime Minister, Chou en Lai were the chief architects of that foundation. Mr Bandaranaike favours that.’

It was nearly eleven, and in the absorption with the dissertation on foreign affairs, an important lubricant of the public service had been overlooked.

Even the suave diplomat permitted himself to be startled.

‘Good grief,’ he said, ‘we haven’t had a cup of tea for an hour.’

Even Veeraswamy agreed uncynically.

‘Quite so.’

The large teak panelled room with heavy mahogany-stained furniture remained cool even to a temperate chill while outside on the street the mercury was rising to 85 degrees Fahrenheit.

Drahman pressed a bell and within seconds a peon dressed in a white cloth and white coat, with a red sash draped across his chest, entered.

‘Three teas. And make it quick.’

The man bowed. ‘Yes sir.’

The talk was desultory until the tea arrived on a nickel-plated cloth-covered platter. The peon laid it deferentially on the table and left. He could have been a robot for all the notice he received. The liberation of minor employees, as peons and other orderlies were called, which resulted in some unaccustomed boldness had not yet reached the rarefied levels of the civil and diplomatic services. Peons continued to be servile to ministers of state, members of parliament and to heads of departments.

The trio savoured the steaming tea doused with milk and sweetened with plenty of sugar. They all lit cigarettes, and resumed. Drahman actually cleared his throat before he began.

(Contd. tomorrow)