World Habitat Day
Some aspects of Public safety in the city of Colombo
by M. A. P. Senanayake,
B.Sc. (EMV), M.Sc. (T & CP), P.G. Dip (H.P.B., (Netherlands), FITP
Chartered Town Planner,
Senior Lecturer,
Department of Town & Country Planning,
University of Moratuwa.

The concept of Safer Cities is of vital importance due to the fact that the globe rapidly transforms into an urban world in search of solutions for ever growing human needs including better employment, higher incomes, better educational; vocational and health facilities, adequate shelter and more social recognition as well as cultural expectations.

The UNCHS forecasts that by the year 2000, more than half of the world's population will live in cities and much of the remaining population too will depend on cities for their economic and social well-being. Sri Lanka is likely to have a population of 22 M by 2015 and it has been proposed by scholars to reach an urbanisation rate of 60 percent by that time in order to achieve our socio-economic needs satisfactorily. The nation will be compelled to do so. In the process of this induced urbanisation to achieve the desired level of urban development, mainly the Colombo urban agglomeration and several other provincial urban centres are likely to grow rapidly. Therefore the concern regarding 'city safety' is a timely theme for inference by the nation. In this context, this article intends to discuss briefly the situation of public safety in the city of Colombo through the review of a few selected indicators which may be useful to generate some awareness regarding our future challenges.

Urban Crimes:
The type of urban crimes and their rates during the past five years from 1992 to 1996 in the city give an indication regarding the past, present and future trends of such crimes.

Crimes on theft of property amounting to 45% in the city is an outstandinghy high level. Frequeney of other serious crimes in a descending order are cheating, burglary, hurt by knife, robbery, arson and mischief, theft of bicycles, grievous hurt, homicide and abduction etc. It is notable that in the city where only 3.8% of the island's population is resident, the crime rate amounts to 10% of the total national crimes committed under the crime categories of the Dept . of Police during the past 05 years. It would not be possible to mitigate the rate of urban crimes only through the enforcement of Law as it is a multi-diamentional issue in the intricated urban society. Root causes for such crimes have to be identified and remedied through a variety of ways. Socio-economic reforms, better public awareness and carefully designed preventive action are going to be more effective. The high rate of crimes in the city may be attributed to the rate of poverty well over 42% of the city population, unsecure and irregular incomes, unemployment, instable nature of informal sector employment and the unacceptable human settlements environment in low income residential areas. However, the fact that the rich and the well-established criminals too are parties to such crimes cannot be neglected.

Road $afety:
Road network comprising local streets, collector streets, arterial roads and highways form the public corridors in a city for the movement of people and vehicular traffic enabling the day to day functioning. Daily around five hundred thousand people commute to the city of Colombo which brings up the day-time city population to about 1.2 M on working days. With the open economic policy practices the number of transport modes too have increased through private bus services, higher usage of private cars and motor-bicycles etc. in addition to the traditional public bus and train services. Together with this sudden change, the number of road accidents too have rapidly increased which is revealed from the accident statistics during the past two decades.

Compared to the national level incidence of road accidents, Colombo rates are relatively high. Out of the total number of accidents during the past 03 years some 23.64% have taken place in the city. The rate of 'damage only accidents' in the city which constitute 30.54% is also extremely high. As a result, the rates of fatal accidents, grievous and minor injuries and fatalities are also relatively high in the city. One can argue that the incidence of road accidents only corresponds to the number of vehicles entering the city and that it is not comparable with that of other areas. But this high rate is despite the high degree of traffic management and the strict highway code practices in the city! The mitigation of this issue should be achieved through an integrated strategy of urban planning and design, traffic management, proper highway code practices and effective public awareness programmes.

Urban Fires:
Fire fighting and Fire Prevention of a city is a very important and essential aspect for public safety in terms of life and property. This normally has to be managed as a combined effort of public participation, urban planning and building code practices together with fire fighting and prevention institutions. There is no Fire Services Act in Sri Lanka to regulate this aspect nationally.

However,this service is implemented by the respective Urban Local Authorities as a function under the MC and UC Ordinances. The Fire Services Dept. of the CMC attends to Fire Calls of the city and other Urban Local Authority areas surrounding it. It is worthwhile examining the frequency of the urban fires during the past five years in and around Colombo.

The incidence of fires in the city's higher in relation to many other urban areas around it. Out of the fire calls of the Greater Colombo Area during the past five years, nearly 70% were received from within the city itself. According to the Chief Fire Officer of the CMC, most of the city fires are of electrical or of gas origin of houses and shops. Occurence of fires have been more in slum and shanty areas specially during the summer seasons. Incidence of fires on public buildings is at a low rate due to the application of building code regulations properly in designing.

Most of the fire gaps in the city have been used for other purposes. Many substan dard houses, shops and boutiques are made of inflamable materials. Public awareness on fire fighting and prevention is at a low level. These errors have to be rectified in order to prevent and reduce fire hazards.

Public Health:
Colombo is the best urban centre in the island as far as the availability of curative medical facilities are concerned. A wide range of public medical facilities, private hospitals, nursing homes and consultancy services are available and such facility centres are spatially well distributed in the city. Curative health facilities are only meant for remedial measures for victimes of diseases and accidents. This aspect is certainly, essential for the public safety. However, what is more important in terms of public safety is the preventive health aspect. The number of communicable or infectious diseases, their frequency of outbreak, number of victims and the tendencies are important for decision making towards city safety. According to the information of the CMC Annual Admiistrative Report - 1996, some 12 types of diseases have prevailed during the past few decades.

They are smallpox, cholera, whooping cough, chickenpox, typhoid fever, dysentry, poliomyelities, viral hepatitis, food poisoning, malaria, encepalitis and dengu haemorrhagic fever. Dysentry (46.48%), Viral hepatitis (25.08%), typhoid fever (14.61 %), cholera (4.46%) and dengu haemorrhagic fever (3.25%) formed high percentages in occurence out of the total number of diseases reported.

Other diseases prevalent in the city according to 1997 unpublished reports of the CMC are TB, leprosy, filariasis, human rabies, simple continued fever and leptospyrasis. In 1997 alone there had been 419 TB patients in the city.

The range of diseases prevelent is very wide and therefore the risk of outbreak is always a threat to public safety. Furthermore, the unsatisfactory environment of low income settlements can provide rich breeding grounds for such infectious diseases. Any health threat in the city can become a threat to the nation too as it is the natioanl centre for administrative and commercial purposes having dynamic interactions with other regions.

Inadequate Housing
Environmentally and physically unacceptable housing situation in the low income micro settlements can create insecurity in many respects to the low income community which constitutes 42% of the total city population. According to the Clean Settlements Project of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, the typology of low income settlements includes shanties, slum gardens, slum tenements, labour quarters, relocated settlements and upgraded settlements. They form 1074 settlements of varying sizes located on reservations of canals, highways and railways etc. Over 110 of those settlements are located on marshy land and flood prone lands unsuitable for human settlements and the balnce ones are situated on reclaimed lands, flat areas, highlands or mixed areas. The structural status of the low income housing stock indicates that semi permanent and temporary houses account for 9.38% and 21.18% respectively.

According to the CSP the major development obstacles faced by the communities in those settlements include boundary disputes, lack of tenurial rights, inadequacy of space and housing units, entering of new occupants creating further burden, unawareness, disunity, absence of CBOs, weaknesses of leadership, lack of external support, negligence of relevant agencies, financial difficultires, poverty, political influence, youth unrest, drug addiction and gossips on evction ect.

The low income settlements are mostly devoid of essential housing amenities such as water supply, lighting, toilet facilities and'drainage. As a result, neighbourhoods become insanitary and therefore the occupants are prone to frequent illness and disease. The population subjected to this situation is well over 300,000 and those settlements can create health and environmental problems to the whole of the city. Further, it is accused that the high rate of urban crimes in the city is attributed to the existence of those settlements ?

Insecure Employment:
Informal sector economic activities in the cities of developing countries form high proportions which absorb most of the urban poor into various employment opportunities. Whether this is an independent sector having the potential and capability in absorbing unemployed urban labour satisfactorily is a controversial issue. In this context informal sectors form an integral part of the city economies. Hence, this category renders a great service to the socio-economic and cultural life of urban societies, specially in developing countries.

According to the Colombo experince, most of the people resident in slum and shanty areas find employment as labourers, porters, factory workers, salesmen, vendors, tailors, drivers, cobblers, housemaids, cooks and artists etc. in the informal sector.

Brokering, pick-pocketing,salvaging and reusing items out of garbage mounds and Keera (green leaves) growing are also some of the income generating activities even if some of them are not morally and culturully acceptable.

The inherent problem of these type of informal sector employment activities are the insecurity and seasonal variations of incomes and their casual or temporary nature. Colombo city having high proportions of urban poor and informal sector activities may face, more social security problems with the inevitable growth of its population in the future.

Instable Incomes:
The majority of the urban poor of the city live in the low income settlements with the exception of relatively marginal numbers of street children and beggars who find their shelter at public places such as railway stations, bus halts and bridges etc. The household income levels of slum and shanty dwellers indicate the general income profile of the urban poor in the city.

According to a case study conducted in Hunupitiya ward of the city in 1995, around 60% of the low income community earned monthly incomes up to Rs. 3,500/-. Only about 12% of the households earned monthly incomes more than Rs. 6,500/-.

It observed that the income levels of the slum dwellers are slightly higher than that of the shanty dwellers and it is notable that in both cases cash incomes are obviously much higher than that of rural and plantation poor of the island. Even if the cash incomes are relatively high, these families are caught up in a constant struggle to manage the family budget among the basic human needs. It has been revealed through studies that around 80% of their income has to be spent on food consumption alone. Other basic needs such as domestic lighting, energy, education, clothing, shelter, recreation, health and so on have to be sacrificed to a great extent.

According to the Charity Commissioner's Report of the CMC, the number of Public Assistan Recieipients during the three years from 1993 to 1995 varies from 10490 to 12419 during different months. These families form the untra poor category in the city. The income situation of the poor and the ultra poor is a social threat in the city and ways and means of ensuring the required minimum income levels have to be evolved.This is a challenge!

Other Aspects:
Some more environmentally important aspects that make a continuous impact to the public safety of the city, directly and indirectly, can be outlined as (A) Occurence of minor and major floods seasonally; creating health problems and damages to property consequent to the inadequacies and deficiencies of the canals and storm water drainage system, (B) Inadequate solid waste disposal system involving issues such as irregular collections and ever increasing quantities, (C) Domestic and industrial solid waste disposal practices which have not yet received adequate concern, (D) Existence of certain settlements uncovered by the sewer system and this can create sanitation and health hazards and (E)lntermittant terrorist attacks which cause severe damage to lives and property and create fear in the urban society.

Safer cities will only emerge in the world if issues connected to social deprivation, economic marginalisation, unemployment, homelessness, illiteracy, injustice, poverty, inequality, urban crime and violence are tackled satisfactorily through a participatory economic growth and development process. And this is true in case of Colombo too which is a typical developing country city.


S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike: A man for all seasons
Bandaranaike Oration, U.K. '98

By Dr. Buddhadasa Bodhinayake FRCPsych, Consultant Psychiatrist & Lead Clinician in Postgraduate education Barking Havering & Brentwood Health authority, U. K. Delivered at Brent Town Hall, U. K. on 25th September, 1998.

When Mr. Bandaraniake passed away on the 26th of September 1959, I was still a teenager at Ananda College studying for my medical entrance examination. Amidst the shock and the disbelief at the news of his death, I was particularly touched by the valiant efforts of our medical luminaries at the time, who tried to save his life - in particular the efforts of Dr. P. R. Anthonis, the greatest Sri Lankan general surgeon of our time.

I remember as a wishful teenager how I hoped that one day after graduating as doctor, I would serve under Dr. Anthonis and ask him directly, how Mr. Bandaranaike succumbed, and what he said before he died and so on; and you can imagine my delight when just over 10 years later out of nearly 100 students who graduated with me in 1969, I actually was appointed to be Dr. Anthonis' House Surgeon!

I asked Dr. Anthonis if his efforts to save Mr. Bandaranaike's life still stood out in his memory. He replied.

'Of course I remember our efforts to save Mr. Bandaranaike's life quite vividly, and what he said very clearly- for Mr. Bandaranaike was a man for whom no parallel personality could be found in the entire history of the worldÉ I know of no other man who repeatedly asked that his assailant who fatally wounded him when he was only paying obeisance to him in a traditional Buddhistic way, pardoned. Both before and after the extensive surgery that he had to undergo, Mr. Bandaranaike asked that his assailant be forgiven - not once, but at least five times.'

Dr. Anthonis continued; 'Knowing our people's temperament, you know how, they - even some educated ones - react, when attacked; you hear words such as, 'I will eat your guts, wait until I get my turn, I will kill you and kill myself and so on, but Mr. Bandaranaike's response was most uniquely different and typically 'Bodhisatta-like'.

Dr. Anthonis went even further, 'Mr. Bandaranaike who referred to his assailant as 'a foolish man dressed in yellow robes', could not understand why he deserved to be shot. He therefore questioned: 'Why did this foolish man shoot me? why did he do that?'. If, for example, he had a guilty conscience or some skeletons in his cupboard, he would not have questioned thus.

Shakespeare said; 'Some are born great. Some achieve greatness. Some have greatness thrust upon them' In an enlightened society, just because you are born great, you do not earn the respect of the masses; you do so, only if you achieve greatness through your actions. In my view, Mr. Bandaranaike did exactly that. He achieved greatness through consistent effort and perseverance. This is clearly seen if you delve into his life at Oxford, between 1921 and 1924. In his memories on Oxford life, he deals in considerable detail, the ups and downs, the trials and tribulations and the depressions and the relations of a normal human being, striving to be somebody. Even on the very first day he entered Oxford, he had to go through a rough ride. He recalls, 'I drive straight to Christchurch and leaving my cab with my bags outside, wandered about quite a long time, incidentally getting thoroughly drenched in the drizzle before discovering the ancient staircase that led to the rooms of my senior censor.'

He did not have lodgings in the University itself in the first year, but lied with an English couple and their son. He describes the horror of their sitting room, which was drab, dreary, smug with two porcelain figures on the mantelpiece, with a square box in the centre, pretending to be a clock, although it had long ceased to function! On an evening he wanted to escape from this setting, he went into the junior common room and found at he was completely out of place. To quote his own words; 'I hastily picked up an illustrated paper, crept into a corner seat and ordered tea'. Suddenly there burst into the room, a thin, tall youth, later revealed as Edward Marjorey Banks, who was mobbed, shaken and patted by everyone in a very welcome manner. The young Bandaranaike was determined to become somebody like him, someday.

Mr. Bandaranaike's first year at Oxford was a period of severe disappointment and frustration. The dreams he had about Oxford did not appear realistic. Mr. Bandaranaike says, 'My first year at Oxford, once the novelty of things had worn off and I had settled down to the college routine, I recollect as a period of disappointment and frustration. In all directions I found myself opposed by barriers, which though invisible and impalpable, were nonetheless very real'. Even the story he wrote for the college magazine, was politely returned. To get a trial for one of the Christ Church tennis teams was an apparent impossibility. A few half-hearted efforts to catch the President's eye at the union debates, proved entirely futile, 'but the most humiliating disappointment' he says, was reserved for the social sphere. That he says was more subtle and deep-seated. Mr. Bandaranaike says: 'The trouble was far more subtle and deep-seated; in a variety of ways, one was always being shown politely, but unmistakably, that one simply was not wanted. It was terribly wounding'.

Mr. Bandaranaike recalled that after laboriously patching up an acquaintanceship with one's neighbour at the dinner hall or lectures, he was passed by the very same man in the street, as though he had never seen him, or still worse, see his hurry off with a hasty nod, apparently through fear that he might have to walk with him!

At the same time as all these things were happening, he knew too, that he could write Greek prose, better than many of the scholars there, in long rustling gowns, who looked so superciliously at the 'darkie' who had the temerity to read the honours school of classics. He knew one thing, and one thing very clearly, that if he had to be successful, he had to be patient and keep on trying, and then sooner or later, he would succeed. Added to the mental malaise for him during this period was the physical discomfort of the damp, grey sunless winter.

Still fighting, the young Bandaranaike fell into a deep depression - a kind of mental state, I as a Psychiatrist would have treated with cognitive restructuring (restructuring of thoughts) or even anti-depressants, if required.

Mr. Bandaranaike's depression in as sense, was deep. He says, 'I remember reading Edgar Allen Poe with a morbid delight. The strange mingling of melancholic, horror and beauty seemed to soothe both my mood and my surroundings'. At this point, a strange adventure happened. Whilst returning to his lodgings one evening in that state of depression and disappointment, he passed a beggar on the pavement. He was not an unusual sight, an old, thickly white face, threadbare with gaping boots. He held a few boxes of matches in his hand for sale, and in the usual winging voice, begged for a penny saying that he was very hungry. There was nothing strange or unusual in this sight. Mr. Bandaranaike thought that the old man was probably a humbug, like many of them, and all that he wanted was some money to go to the nearest pub! he recalls, 'I stood and contemplated on him for a moment, and, as the view entered my mind, 'I will not give you money', I said, 'If you are hungry, come along with me and I shall give you something to eat'. And the man came with him! The test was put into action. This man seated before the roaring fire in his room, consumed some enormous quantities of bread, butter and crumpets - such a lot of them! - with a grim concentration, that Mr. Bandaranaike says, 'This sight fascinated me. I had never seen such hunger in a human being before. Gradually with the warmth of the fire and the warmth inside him, he relaxed and became loquacious. Probably a good deal of what he said was false, but there was clearly a thread of truth that ran through his tale - the unseasoned struggle from his younger days against hunger, against cold, against illness and despair'. And what was the effect of all this on the young Bandaranaike? Mr. Bandaranaike's worries faded and depression lifted, before the elemental fight of a man for his very existence. The next day in Mr. Bandaranaike's life, was one with a new heart, a new strength and a new hope!

The story of Mr. Bandaranaike's first speech at a Union Society debate at Oxford is a very moving one. During his first two and a half years at Oxford, he never spoke at a single Union debate, although he made a few unsuccessful efforts to catch the President's eye. His first speech was made on the 17th of November, 1921. The subject of this debate was, 'The present parliamentary system does not answer the needs of modern democracy'. In this debate too he tried many times to catch the President's eye, but without success, until in desperation he sent up a note to him asking whether he would give him a chance of speaking for a few minutes. After a few minutes the President sent it back with the words, 'print your name'. This, Mr. Bandaranaike did and returned the note. Late in the night, shortly before the debate closed, the President invited him with a nod, and Mr. Bandaranaike walked up to the despatch box rather tremblingly and spoke for fifteen minutes. Mr. Bandaranaike says that a few days later, he literally woke up to find himself as famous as Byron! The Oxford publication. 'ISIS' had hailed his speech as the best of the evening. So, the inner portals of Oxford finally opened to the easterner, Bandaranaike.

From there onwards, Bandaranaike's fame spread; he never stopped speaking at important debates. Mr. Bandaranaike says quite frankly, 'Whenever I spoke at the Union debates, I endeavoured to give off my best and summon to the task every resource I possessed, which added to the fact I perhaps had a talent for speaking, produced a result that was overwhelming in its triumph. I am sure, this was partly due to the great trouble I took. Many other speakers were no doubt quite as good, or better than myself, but it did not mean to them, quite all that it meant to me. They probably did not care to take the infinite pains that I took'.

From his first speech which was obtained after considerable difficulty, he was invited to speak at other debates. Britishers themselves complimented him as the best speaker at the Union debates.

Mr. Bandaranaike's independence as a young man was exemplified by the that he steadfastly refused to join any party at the Oxford Union and simply called himself a nationalist. Still, he was able to win the secretaryship of the Union. The beaten candidates included leading members of all the three parties, Conservative, Liberla and Labour.

Soon after Mr. Bandaranaike's election as the Secretary of the Union, a big problem overwhelmed him and that was an illness which was diagnosed as paratyphoid. Listen to Mr. Banaranaike in his own words:

'The low fever in the morning rising sharply towards the noon, reaches its highest as the day progresses. The hot pains in the stomach, dry parched lips, and the throbbing aching head, the darkened room and the smell of disinfectants, the hush voices of the nurses, all heaped to weave a pall of black depression about me. I wondered in my clearer moments, what my attitude to death really was. I decided that it had no fears for me though for my parents, friends, for the work I would have to leave undone, I felt a regret; but deep within myself, and for myself, I had no grief. Nor had I a joy, only a profound impersonal tranquillity.'

When Mr. Bandaranaike returned to the Union after his long illness of a few months, he received a very warm welcome, and was later elected as a Junior Treasurer of the Union. He, however lost the Presidential election, but took it well; he felt if he remained a further year he might have been President, and the Oxonian who beat him, won the Presidency only in his second attempt.

You will have noted that I have concentrated heavily on the association Mr. Bandaranaike had with Oxford. This is because I feel Oxford contributed largely to his growth and development as a young man with ups and downs, orator of great repute, a leader who could take both triumph as well as defeat, and a human being who was capable of facing severe crises.

He returned to Sri Lanka, (then known as Ceylon) in 1925. In 1930, he wrote a very conspicuous article, 'Why I became a Buddhist'! He knew it was a very sensitive topic, and a very personal one too. He said, 'Requests made to me to deliver addresses and write articles on why I became a Buddhist have been numerous. I have been very reluctant to accede to these requests, because man's religious convictions are surely one of those very personal matters that he shrinks from exposing, and parading before the public gaze', Finally, however, he came out with his feeling.

Buddhism, he realized, believed that man must work out his salvation himself, and it appealed irresistibly, he said, to his own mentally. Lord Budha, he observed, was just a man like the rest of us; he was very human, he said. Mr. Bandaranaike asked, how touching was his reluctance to look at his new born son, once his great resolve was made, lest the infant might close his little fist about his heart strings, and pull him back!

The next great lesson in Buddhism he observed was the supremacy of he human mind. Of people convinced of this, he said, should be intellectually alert and vigorous, enterprising in all their undertakings. Buddhism, in fact, had a profound influence on the moulding of Mr. Bandaranaike's greatness.

Speaking of the contribution Buddhism made to world peace, Mr. Bandaranaike talked of the doctrine of 'Anatta' - change. 'Take for instance the Buddhist doctrine of change, 'Anatta'. The doctrine of anatta or change has been borne out strikingly, by modern atomic research and discoveries. When every being consists of a composite mass of separate atoms, all in continual motion, and subject to continual change, does not the doctrine of change to which all things are subject, become easy to understand? The other doctrine is the lack of some 'entity', continuing perpetual entity call it 'soul' or what you like, which is connected with the doctrine of change.

He maintained: 'The Buddha, reminded his devotees that those who sincerely and truly follow the Dhamma reap the benefits of that, here and now'.

He saw that in this world, confused thinking, the inability to think clearly result in untold hardship for mankind. It is so essential and necessary to think rightly, to think clearly, to think with a certain degree of calmness, he said. 'The man who thinks rightly', he continued 'will do other things rightly too'. Right thinking is another teaching of the Buddha he found most valuable.

He observed that Buddha has given mankind the ultimate self-respect, the self-respect that comes from self-reliance as man's salvation is in his own hands, after all.

Buddha rightly pointed out that all ills spring from selfishness - from 'thanha' - craving. If there is no self, he asked, how can there be selfishness?

In a Vesak day message on the chief duty of man, Mr. Bandaranaike uttered those immortal words. 'The chief duty of man is the service of man'.

Thinking of the greatness that characterised the late Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, I feel that there are three influences which moulded it. These were his innate tendency to serve mankind, the influence he had from the Buddhist doctrine, and of course, very prominently, the wide life experience he gained from his Oxford years.

In my speech you would have observed that I have dealt mostly with his humanity, perseverance and intellect, but I would be failing in my duty, if I do not say at this point, that before Mr. Bandaranaike assumed power in 1956, an exclusively Sinhala-educated Sri Lankan could find only a second class job in Sri Lanka. It was his proud attitude to the mother tongue, that gave exclusively mother-tongue educated Sri Lankans a chance to rise to the highest positions in the land.

He brought together the famous five forces of the country - the Bhikkus, the indigenous doctors, the teachers, farmers and the labourers, together.

As a nation, we are pleased that his policies, the 'Bandaranaike policies' are respected today, as they were then.

I would like to end this talk recalling, a question I once asked our President Her excellency Mrs. Chandrika Kumaratunga, during the period she spent in this country around 1989-90. One day I asked her, 'Chandrika, what influence did your father have on you?' Her reply was 'Bodhi, don't forget the fact that I was the one who used his library most'.

Thank you and good night!


From the book 'The Palm of His Hand' by E.C.T. Candappa
Class and caste warfare in action

Continued from yesterday

About the author
E.C.T. Candappa was one of Sri Lanka's been feature writers in the mid-fifties till the seventies. He was an outstanding journalist at Lake House and distinguished himself as a reporter and feature writer. He is now domiciled in Australia but still very much interested in his country of origin. He visited Sri Lanka last year and interviewed many of the personalities featured in this book.

He wore what was called full suit, a climatic aberration in the tropical heat, western-style trousers and jacket, shirt, tie, and hat, and, of course, socks and shoes. Some of them changed into fresh clothes if they had important functions to attend in the afternoons, if they had to attend cocktail parties in the evenings. Mr Wickremasena also wore spectacles with gold arms and rimless glasses, a handkerchief peeped out of his coat pocket, a gold watch in an inner pocket was betrayed by a gold chain. He also wore an expression of considerable gravity as befitted a gentleman of his standing.

With them came their two daughters, a little older than their cheeky brother, a little plumper, much quieter, and dressed in cotton frocks with large floral prints. Their long hair was sleek with oil and held together in tight plaits and coloured ribbons.

There was also a little girl in attendance, the ubiquitous domestic servant girl, who, like the domesticated dog, had a long history.

The little servant boys and girls represented in one vivid and tragic symbol what the colonialists had done towards destroying the pattern of rural life.

They were also the collective social sins of urbanised Ceylonese society which in their cruel variety and crushing weight constituted a just cause and a powerful element of a social upheaval that was to come less than two decades later.

Historically they were like the slaves of Roman times, or the American Negro of the plantations. They could be bought and sold, except that in Ceylon they were of no worth at all: they were picked up for nothing and treated worse than dogs.

Raj held the strongest possible views about them and one day he hoped to write a book devoted to the crimes committed against them. Now he merely watched with a numb callousness, born of years of usage. She was a mite, no more than ten, fair-skinned and light-eyed through some strain of European profligacy, clad in a skimpy blouse of a coarse cotton, and a coarse, cotton cloth, worn at navel height and coming down no more than just below the knees.

Ah, such frugality, thought Raj bitterly, to feed the wild appetites of her masters.

When at length the brat of a newcomer had been duly admitted and installed in his bed and his fussy entourage had departed with an open threat to return in a few hours time the rest of the patients collectively regained animation having been petrified by the grand entrance of the Wickremasena family.

Together they brought their jaws together and now they all gazed in some awe at the brat as he busied himself placing his bag on the floor and opening the bedside cupboard, while whistling tunelessly in a shrill pitch.

"What’s this?" he said, looking into the cupboard lately used by Mr Murrel and taking out a blackened banana. "This bloody thing should have been cleaned. Where’s the bell?" Finding it over the bedhead he pressed it imperiously and waited, muttering complaints.

He really was in a pother of annoyance.

Raj sensed that she had arrived quite before he saw her. It felt like a shaft of sunshine interrupting a miserably wet day.

Miss Hapangama stood at the entrance to the ward, radiant with well-being, but not smiling.

"Who rang the bell?" she asked speaking in Sinhala.

"I rang the bell," the brat answered in English.

"What, can’t you speak Sinhala?" Now there was a warm amused smile on the nurse’s face. She went up to him, and asked him what he wanted, also in Sinhala. She was putting him in his place. Among the various hierarchies, wealth was only one. Miss Hapangama had her own proud lineage and ancestry. Hailing also from the Kandyan hills, she, or at any rate, her people, looked down upon what was referred to with some contempt, as Low Country Sinhalese, who had no claim to nobility but fell into the functional castes of farmers, fishermen, drum beaters and laundrymen. The radalas were the rulers. Speaking now in Sinhala, but with an edge of rudeness in his voice to put the nurse in her place, he asked her why his cupboard had not been cleaned before he came, and what was that dirty newspaper doing there?

Miss Hapangama kept the smile on and said, this time in English, lest there be no room for the young patient to feel superior on that score: "Why don’t you just be your age, man?"

The idiom had a well-worn connotation. It really meant: "Don’t get too smart."

She added: "The next time you ring the bell, ring only if it’s important. Or you’ll catch it. Now remember that."

Then turning briskly on her heel, she breezed away, trailing warmth behind her.

The schoolmaster now felt his customary confidence, especially with schoolboys, returning fast to him.

"Oi, thamuseta monawada wela thiyenne?" he asked.

It is only in the native Sinhala that all the nuances of that question can be conveyed. Translated it simply means, "Hey, what’s the matter with you?"

But the use of the term "thamusey" with its connotation usually employed by equals and superiors to someone of lesser standing had the desired effect.

This time, speaking in Sinhala, the boy asked: "Why do you address me as thamusey?"

The schoolmaster rallied to the attack on known terrain.

"Then do you want me to address you as umba?" a lower form of address used on menials, domestic servants, children and wives.

The lad had expected to be called "ohey" which is a term for equals and denotes respect.

The schoolmaster’s barb went home and Ajanta fumed in silent rage. Had a domestic servant spoken to him in that manner he would have been whipped and starved in a household such as his. Had any employee spoken to his father in that manner he would have been severely penalised or even sacked.

Here was class and caste warfare in action.

Raj now began to understand the attendant Jinasena’s feelings of frustration, and even of the growth of Marxism with its doctrine of equality and brotherhood at least in theory, at least in the form of address, either as comrade, or as sahodaraya (brother) in Sinhala.

Having temporarily silenced the newcomer the others returned to their routines, such as they were, or yielded to the routine of the hospital.

Ajanta looked at the aged Haniffa in an attempt to make an ally but he was firmly under his bed sheet, head and all. He would add some fuel to the communal fire later to get at the schoolmaster. He would see a delightful irony in employing one Sinhalese, however little, to get at another. No doubt he would chuckle under cover of the bedsheet throughout the day and into the night.

When Raj’s parents visited him later that evening he learnt that his cousin Rienzie, who apart from the bond of kinship was also a great buddy, was warded for a broken arm, in the non-paying section.

Having concluded his conversation with his folks in half the time, somewhat to his mother’s annoyance, he set forth to comfort his kinsman.

Rienzie was the complete sportsman. At high school he played every game that was played there with the exception of cricket not because he did not like the game or had no talent for it but because there was a long waiting list, cricket being the most acceptable and durable legacy of the British rulers, highly popular among all, especially at the school level.

The British were themselves surprised to discover that school cricket soon dominated the sports pages and that cricket became one of the criteria to obtain a good job in the public services or in the mercantile sector.

There was, however, no sport in which Rienzie participated in which he did not excel. He won awards in these and later on at the university he was to win colours in them all.

He had broken his arm on the soccer field.

When Raj met him after wandering through a veritable labyrinth of corridors and dodging stretchers and hordes of visitors, he found Rienzie in a gloomy ward, standing against a short wall, his arm in a plaster cast on a sling, trying with his good hand to eat off a plate placed on the wall. His hair was usually very close-cropped but there was no cropping his smile: it was as broad and cheeky as ever. He had the compact body of an athlete.

"How are you faring?" Raj asked him.

"Oh, can’t complain," he said, "at least I have a bed. Some of these poor buggers have to sleep under the beds and even out on the corridors. I feel sorry for them when it rains. Even otherwise it’s quite chilly, early mornings."

"Of course," he added, "I find it hard to feed myself. You know I never had any problems there before. And the shit house, Raj. You’ll never believe it. I bottle it up as long as possible, for a couple of days. But you know, when you gotta go, you gotta go."

Raj decided to investigate.

At one end of the ward there were four toilets. Each was about four feet square, with a ceramic squatting pan and no toilet seat. There was a cistern overhead to operate the flush.

The first assault was on the nostrils, the overpowering stench coming from the blocked sewer. The pan was full of uncleared excreta, the flush was broken, and because of this, patients had used every clear area of floor until every inch was covered with human waste. It would be hazardous to step on the floor. But there was nowhere else to go. Raj felt a strong urge to retch and stepped quickly away.

"My god," he said to Rienzie, "couldn’t your dad get you a paying ward?"

"Well, don’t you know Dad? He doesn’t like to spoil us."

"When he was in hospital last, he was in a first-class paying ward."

"It’s different with older people. They like a few comforts."

"But at least you need a decent toilet..."

"I’m not the only one. Anyway, I hope to get out in a day or two," he added, grinning.

Raj promised to look him up until the time of his own surgery. He was glad to get back to his own ward. His heart was full of gratitude for his father who, though earning far, far less than Rienzie’s father, had insisted on Raj entering at least a second-class paying ward and even picking up the bill though Raj, unlike his cousin, was already a working man.

Chapter 20
In the afternoon there was a visit. It was akin to a visitation from another world, an antiseptically sterile world, a world of steamed and spotless garments, of hands washed of any semblance of guilt past or to come, and certainly not tainted by any slur of present misdemeanour.

It was a visit by the surgeon, one of many who served this vast institution of healing. There were quite a few others too, who also worked mostly in terms of the nobility of their calling and largely tempered by the Hippocratic oath, and partly, and oh, almost incidentally and even grudgingly, to service the private nursing homes and hospitals which paid enormous sums for their services; not all at once, but building up from services great and small, from surgery that would require the most qualified and skilful hands, to the ordinary polite enquiry such as "and how are you this morning?" and nothing more which too would merit a standard fee.

This visit specifically was by Dr Juriansz, the surgeon whom Raj had consulted earlier and on whose referral he now lay awaiting the healing touch of the cold scalpel. He entered like a king, attended by a retinue of one matron, three nurses, two attendants and an aura of greatness and invincibility.

He was clad in a freshly-laundered white suit, and though he might have spent the previous hour or two, or even three or four, in an operating theatre and later doing the rounds, he appeared freshly shaved and bathed and groomed.

It was part of the charisma of the surgeon. He also needed to appear in a great haste, to be quite reticent and remote, as befitting a being who held the lives of thousands in his hands, and through whose very hands sometimes some lives slipped but never through his fault. A surgical misadventure, perhaps, post-operative complications, pneumonia, the anaesthetist, a weak heart, but never his fault.

On a rare occasion one very distinguished surgeon might discover that another distinguished colleague (but now gone to seed or alcoholism) had done it wrong, that the patient had bled to death, that he had actually had to scoop out welling blood from a re-opened abdomen, but too late. Even here, it was never placed at the surgeon’s door but quietly disguised in exonerative jargon at the autopsy where still it is the evidence of the medical fraternity that settles such matters.

An hour before the visitation, the floor of the ward had been scrubbed with disinfectant and was still wet all over with puddles in some areas where the floor was uneven or in corners away from draughts.

It seemed a desecration of the ethereal visitor.

He, however, chose to ignore it though the staff were patently on edge more than usually.

He paused by the Indian’s bed and was immediately screened off from the rest of the world. The staff flurried around him, eager to catch his lightest request and be at his command.

From his none-too subdued conversation Raj gathered that the surgeon examined the bandage, looked at his patient’s chart, expressed satisfaction, and almost in the next moment was at Raj’s bedside.

The nurses did not have the time to turn the screen round and the surgeon was in a hurry. He wanted to complete his rounds as soon as possible. He said, abruptly: "Raise your sarong." The order brooked no delay whatsoever.

To raise the sarong meant: expose your nakedness and uncover the area where I am due to make the incision and cause healing. To him seeing people naked was a matter of course but to Raj it was a highly unusual request and certainly one that he was not prepared to grant in full view of others. However, there was no doubt that he had to do it, so ostriching his eyes, he did what he was bidden. He hoped feebly that his masculinity would have retracted beyond recognition. He felt warm, firm, but gentle hands probe his lower abdomen. A blended aroma of after shave and cigarette smoke wafted up to Raj and it was reassuring, for Raj remembered that this surgeon knitted in his spare time and it had seemed an effeminate thing to do. Quite as abruptly as he had begun the examination, he ended it by declaring quite finally, "Yes, it’s a hernia. Pull your sarong down."

Raj opened his eyes and was greatly relieved to find that only the surgeon, the young house officer and a male attendant were round him.

Dr Juriansz then had a hasty consultation with the house officer whose function, apparently, was to monitor the senior’s schedule and arrange his program for each day.

"Can we take him tomorrow?" he asked the junior, while Raj’s heart started a frenzied drum beat. Fear and hope beat alternately.

"No, sir," said the assistant.

"Then," said the senior, illogically it seemed to Raj, "We can’t take him on Friday either."

"That’s right, sir. You start your vacation on Thursday."

"And I won’t be back for two weeks. We’ll take him after that."

And they left him, without one word to him.

Raj seethed for the rest of the day and into the night.

It seemed unfair. He had waited months to get a bed in this ward, and every day that he wasted here meant money, not the kind of money that surgeons earned, but in proportion to what Raj and his father earned, quite a substantial sum. It bore a heavy cost in time and tension as well. The days before the trip to New York were dwindling.

Time was also important to him and, in terms of an organised schedule, as important as it would be to any other professional. A lawyer would find it as difficult to step out of his diary as his life was determined by the court calendar. A journalist found it even harder. Not only did one thing lead to another in his work, his work was plugged into the grand flow of life itself. Surgeons, because they are the arbiters of life and death, could wield the wills of others any way they wished and not have to explain or apologise.

(c) E.C.T. Candappa

(Continued tomorrow)


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