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Jaffna, a precarious situation
By a special correspondentIt was said that Nero fiddled while Rome was burning. The story that unfolds is almost exactly the same. Our politicians seem to be wholly engrossed in the power game at a time when the unity and security of the country is threatened as never before in our history.
To be charitable by our rulers, perhaps they do not wish to panic the people. The people remain blissfully ignorant of the situation; being fed on unadulterated lies by the Government controlled media. But is it not important that the people must be told the truth and rallied to the cause in this dark hour? If the worst happens they will no doubt react badly and that is not in the interest of anyone. It is evident that the peddlers of sunshine stories duped even the President. I refer to her statement that 85% of the war was over - then came the attack on Kilinochchi!
The people in the south of the country have deduced particularly after the fall of Kilinochchi, that the situation has become dangerously precarious for the country. The assassinations of Gen. Larry Wijeratne, Mayor Sarojini Yogeswaran and other prominent citizens, including the most recent assassination of the Jaffna area commander, the Mayor and other officials in the town hall bombing, have made it obvious to all those who are keeping an eye on the situation in Jaffna, that the LTTE had ‘returned to Jaffna’. They are today in a position to destabilise the administration almost at will. The Armed forces, not having sheer numbers cannot be in control of the situation in the manner they wish.
Another major offensive has to be in the offing, and this time the target may not be some army camp but could be Jaffna itself.
When the LTTE was ousted from the Peninsular, many Tamils rejoiced. They had been liberated from the fascist rule of the LTTE. But disillusionment was not long in coming. This was despite the best efforts of the Army this time around to win the hearts and minds of the people. Expectations were high and much was also promised but very little was actually delivered due to circumstances beyond the control of the Government.
The LTTE has, according to informed sources, been boasting that they would be back in Jaffna within the next three months. Whether such claims could be fulfilled or not in its own interest the Government should declare that a state of extreme urgency exists and work with the Opposition to prevent the LTTE achieving their objectives.
The Sinhalese who have been calling for military solutions (and this sadly includes Buddhists monks and Nayake monks too) must be made aware of the actual situation. The people will never forgive this government if Jaffna falls and they conclude that they had been fooled all the time. The reaction would be intense because the people have been made to believe that the Government is in control despite even Kilinochchi.
Government must do all it could to prevent the LTTE’s Game Plan from succeeding. What was this ‘game plan’? The LTTE first began by infiltrating the Peninsular ( they were never completely removed from the peninsular, they remained in control of Pooneryn, Kilali and some of the islands). They used the bomb effectively. They also indulged in sniping. Most important to them was the sabotaging of the Government’s effort to establish normalcy in the peninsular. Through their assassinations of prominent persons they instilled fear in the people. Those who were elected to local Government office resigned enmasse out of sheer fear. The people have quite naturally now put distance between themselves and the military and the Police. The civilian administration has also been undermined. The civilian administration is said to be ineffective. The Courts have shut down too.
What would be their next miltary move? Would they mount a diversionary attack elsewhere and then make their move?
We must also take into account of the psychologocal warfare being waged by the LTTE. Contrary to popular belief they are indeed a sophisticated outfit. But let us not confuse the pretended for the real or visa -versa. These may be the questions that our Military may be pondering over.
It is not in our interest to rule out any possibility. We must hope for the best but prepare for the worst. We must seriously consider the option of conscription too, if the people of this country are not prepared to see it divided. There is a price for everything. For too long have we believed what we want to believe and been blind to that which is ‘unpalatable’ to our minds. The people in the south of the country must be ‘prepared’ for any eventuality. If Jaffna is lost it would be almost impossible to take it back this time around, for many reasons including the fact they have the weapons to match us today.
To my mind what needs to be done in this situation is for the Government to come clean with the people and more particularly with our representatives in Parliament and join forces, form a War Cabinet and muster all hands on deck, to prevent any possible catastrophe. Whilst that would be a political exercise, it is imperative that the strength of the forces in the peninsular be significantly increased to ensure that the LTTE will not succeed.
The LTTE has not only been preparing the people of Jaffna for their return but they have also been preparing the international community to change tack and be more amenable to the posibility of Eelam. The recent Chatham House Conference is a case inpoint. In another instance, the LTTE, despite its leader having been found guilty of the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, has had the audacity to bring an action contesting the ban placed on it. It is seeking a revocation of the notification before the’Unlawful Activities Prevetion Tribunal’ in Delhi.
The LTTE also scored a major diplomatic triumph (despite the publicised warm welcome and the ‘photos to prove it’ at the NAM Summit) when no less a person than Mandela (however pliable he may be in dotage) called for UN Security Council intervention in the Sri Lanka conflict at the UN General Assembly this year.
We must also take note of an emerging new trend, evidenced in the manner in which the international Community has acted in the case of Kosovo. It maybe that in the case of Kosovo, there were allegations of massive human rights violations by the state and further that international peace and security is under threat, but at the end of the day it is an internal problem. The principle of non interference in the internal affairs of states, appears to be under review, (I do hope I am wrong). In this regard the statements of ASEAN leaders on the Malaysian political crisis is also of interest.
Permit me to reiterate that, even allowing for the LTTE’s ‘psy-ops’, (to those who naively believe that the recent release of prisoners is a gesture of peace and goodwill and that it is an indication that they wish to talk, permit me to remind them that the LTTE sent a delegation led by Pottu Amman to hold talks with Rajiv Gandhi on the 6th of March 1990, referred to the high regard they held him in, informed him that Prabhakaran sent his best regards and good wishes,lulled him into a false sense of security and assassinated him a mere two months later). We must no be duped by such gestures, the present situation is extremely serious. We must decide as to how we should meet the threat. We should not fool ourselves by believing in what we like to hear. If the people are prepared to make the sacrifice for a united country, then we cannot depend on a volenteer army, we must have conscription. It is no doubt hard decision to make, but it may be the necessary decision in the circumstances.
Let me conclude with a quotation which I think is appropriate for the circumstances -
"We stand face to face with the terrible question of evil and do not even know what is before us, let alone what to pit against it"
- Carl Jung
Devolution proposals and the private sector peace initiative
by Chanakaya
Continued from yesterdayIn terms Article 221 (1) of our Draft, other than on the advice of the Chief Minister, the Constitution does not permit the use of emergency powers, unless a situation has arisen which "constitutes a clear and present danger to the unity and integrity and sovereignty of the Republic". The Draft Constitution also does not recognise external aggression as a ground for declaration of an .
EMERGENCY POWERS UNDER THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION
The Indian Constitution empowers the Union Government, with or without the consent of a State Government, the use of wide emergency powers in four types of extraordinary situations. (page 165, section 6.1.04) .(a) In the event of external aggression or armed rebellion, (Articles 250, 352, 353, 354, 358 and 359).
(b) In the situation involving the breakdown of Constitutional machinery in the State, including for non compliance with constitutional directions of the Union Government, (Articles 356 and 357) .
(c) A situation of external aggression or internal disturbance which is not grave enough to satisfy requirements of Article 352 or 356, but nevertheless, calls for action by the Union Government.
(d) A situation where the financial stability of credit of India or any part thereof is threatened. (Article 360).
With reference to the use of emergency powers by the Centre, under "federal constitutions", the Sarkaria Commission has cited the following examples (page 169), where the Centre can intervene without the consent of the States. It is noted that none of these examples involve situations where there is a danger to the unity and integrity and sovereignty of the republic".
(a) Australia "In so far as the State Governments, through their police forces, are primarily responsible for law and order, Commonwealth military or police action can be taken on matters affecting the " Peace, order good government" of a State at the request of the State government. However, where the violence is directed against Commonwealth institutions or affects matters falling within Commonwealth power, then the Commonwealth can intervene without a request from the State in which the violence occurs or imminent.
(b) Switzerland - "Article 16 of the Constitution of Switzerland gives unlimited power to the Federal Council to intervene, on its own initiative, in case of internal disorder where the Government of the threatened Canton is not in a position to summon assistance from other Cantonal governments, or if the disorder endangers the safety of Switzerland. The expression "internal disorder" covers not only armed rebellion but also disturbances resulting for instance from a general strike.
(c) United States of America - "As pointed out in the case of Re Eugine Debs (158 US 564) (with reference to the use of force to enforce Federal Laws), the United States Supreme Court affirmed that "the entire strength of the nation may be used to enforce in any part of the land, the full and free exercise of all national powers and security of all rights entrusted by the Constitution to its care". After this judgement, the requirement of an application for aid under the Protection Clause in Article IV (4), for domestic violence in the State, has in practice, lost its importance".
With regard to the imposition of President’s Rule under Article 356 of the Indian Constitution, the Sarkaria Commission made the following comment which is very relevant to the situation in Sri Lanka:
"There has been a growth of sub-nationalism which has tended to strength divisive forces and weaken the unity and the integrity of the country. Linguistic chauvinism has also added a new dimension in keeping peoples apart. Dim memories of the historical past are being actively revived to whip up animosities. Unless there is a will and commitment to work for a united country, there are real dangers that regionalism, linguistic chauvinism, commimalism, casteism, etc may foul the atmosphere to a point where secessionist thoughts start pervading the body politic. It is, therefore, necessary to preserve the overriding powers of the Union to enable it to deal with such situations and ensure that the government in the State is carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. We are firmly of the view that Article 356 should remain as ultimate Constitutional weapon to cope with such extreme situations".
SOME ASPECTS OF REGIONAL POWERS IN RELATION TO NATIONAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT.
National Policy on agriculture is not in the reserved list of Central Government Powers. In the Indian Constitution, item 33 in the Concurrent List enabled enactment of the Essential Commodities Act of 1953 empowering the Union Government to control production, supply, distribution, trade and commerce of "essential commodities. Our Devolution Proposals do not provide for Central Government involvement even in the Plantation sector which is so critical for the entire nation.As regards industries, in terms of the Reserved List item 67, the Central Government’s race is confined to "promotion of and policy on industrial development". In India however, the Union List of subjects includes "industries declared by the Parliament by law to be necessary for the purpose of defence and for the prosecation of war" ( No 7) and "industries, the control of which by the Union is declared by Parliament by law to be expedient in the public interest ( No 52) . At the time of the Sarkaria Commission, there were 38 categories under Union control including even razor blades, soap, leather goods and matches.
As regards Trade and Commerce, under our Devolution Proposals, Trade and Commerce within a Region is exclusively to be controlled py the Regional Council. Therefore, the Central Government cannot intervene in trade within a region. Ye Captains of Industry and Commerce, what confusion will ye see !
In India Article 302 of the Constitution enables the Parliament to impose restrictions on the freedom of trade, commerce and intercourse between one State and another or within any part of the territory of India as may be required in the public interest (page 499 section 18.2.02 of the Sarkaria Report).
As regards food distribution our proposals vest the power to supply and distribute food exclusively with the Regions. In terms of Article 369 of the Indian Constitution, the supply, distribution including procurement, storage and pricing of food items are in the Concurrent List. (page 468, section 16.3.05). Under this power, the Union Government had declared 56 items commodities as essential to the life of the community and intervened in their supply and distribution.
On this subject, the Sarkaria commission has stated that, "It will be seen that the system of procurement and distribution, etc. would be subjected to serious distortions if the State Governments were to take unilateral decisions on support prices, incentives, for procurement, levy percentages, inter- state movement of food grains... We are of the view that such restrictions have to be imposed by the Union Government after taking a total view of the economic factors and the constraints inherent in the operation of the system". (page 475, section 16.8.14) .
The foregoing analysis is confined to just a few aspects of Sri Lanka’s Constitutional (Devolution) Proposals. There are many other vital considerations such as control over Media, Broadcasting etc. to deal with which Space does not permit suffice it to observe that to say the least, the Draft Constitution as it stands will lead to almost complete disintegration of Sri Lanka. The Captains of Industry and Commerce will have to be somewhat more involved and percipient.
Concluded
A Tamil heroine unmourned and the sociology of obfuscation by UTHR (Jaffna) - Chapters 9, 10
Public opinion: The distorting effect of terror and the controlled mediaThe question is often posed, 'Whom do the Tamil people support as their leaders?' Several influential writings explicitly or implicitly point to the LTTE - e.g. National Peace Council, the Taraki column and the Tamil press. Most Tamil parties, especially the TULF, too endorse this view in their conduct and statements. The truth is that the more the influence of terror makes itself felt, the more meaningless any gauging of public opinion becomes. This could be seen by contrasting the public mood soon after Mrs.Yogeswaran's election, with that after her murder.
We referred to a particular gauging of the public mood after the murder in the Hindustan Times report which spoke of the absence of revulsion among Tamils. In July 1975, the LTTE (then TNT) in its first murder killed Alfred Duraiyappah, Mayor of Jaffna, who after many years in politics as an independent candidate, having earlier been Mayor as well as MP for Jaffna, had joined the SLFP. This qualified him to be branded a 'traitor' from TULF platforms, although he never crossed over from any party. It could also be said without exaggeration that much of the development seen in Jaffna town in the last 40 years took place while he was Mayor - the new market, stadium, several co-ops and improvements in roads, street lighting etc. The so-called traitor's funeral marked one of the largest public turnouts in Jaffna - with a crowd estimated at 2 5,000. By comparison the public turnout for Mrs.Yogeswaran's was muted. It is obviously the terror that made the difference - not because the people were indifferent.
To be clear, take the mood soon after the recent January elections. The mood was even upbeat. There was a remarkable voter turn-out. The local elite who tried to discredit the exercise as an 'insult by the Sinhalese to impose an 'inappropriate' leadership on the Tamils' fell silent. There was elation and relief in the air which could be felt. The turnaround from despondency to hope was described by a local journalist to Marwaan Macan Markar of the Sunday Leader as 'a Miracle'.
A very remarkable comment on the new mood was contained in Ananth Palakidnar's 'View from Jaffna' (Sunday Observer 1st February 1998): 'In recent years the TULF, realising its own mistakes in calling for a separate state and also making extremist comments, had to develop new thinking on how to shift the Tamil cause towards a dignified and meaningful settlement of the ethnic conflict.... the elections have shown the Jaffna people's desire for peaceful and honourable co-existence with the Sinhalese.
'The outcome of the polls has also sent a clear message to the LTTE supremo V.Prabhaharan that the Jaffna people are tired of war and would prefer him also entering the political arena rather than carrying on his jungle warfare'.
This deserves comment. Palakidnar is an old Jaffna hand who understood the LTTE and the people very well. He knew several of the LTTE leaders at school in Jaffna Hindu and spent much of the crucial 80s in the Jaffna based daily, Eelanadu. He was well-placed to sense the mood in Jaffna and even become infected by it. What is quoted above is about the strongest comment he has ever made.
It is again those who were most hopeful that were likely to be very despairing when Sarojini was killed. In despairing they were very likely to say that she asked for it or she deserved it. This is generally not something that is flattering to the LTTE. In the wake of the tragedy the Tamil people were reminded that the LTTE is a fate that will never leave them alone and is determined to grip them like a sticky octopus. All hope vanishes. So it was, with several others killed for their social commitment. The seemingly adverse remarks came from those who most valued the dead for their work and commitment: 'She asked for it for being foolish enough to return to Jaffna from England thinking that her position among the people would allow her to work freely', or 'She deserved it for thinking that the Tigers would countenance anything adverse to them'.
Once despair takes over, the voices of hope cease and the creepy elements who were silenced when hope dawned once more go into action. The message again gets around among a terrified people, 'the Tigers are your fate, there is no way out except to obey them'. There was enough of it in the Tamil press and broadcasting media (e.g. IBC) after Sarojini's murder. So the Tigers won and the Tamils walk 'with their heads held high'? What else could they do? To many outsiders this state of affairs would seem on the surface as though the Tamils support the Tigers, and what's more, with academics and bishops to put it across?
THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA
In this section we will mainly deal with writings by Tamils, who are the most intimately familiar with the background, dealing with Sarojini's murder. We have already quoted from some of these writings in English. Their tone is that the murder was a severe blow to democracy and took the LTTE to task for brutally and cynically subverting the desire of the Tamil people for peace and their right to their own future.Though not blaming the LTTE explicitly, Kethesh Loganathan's piece ('The Cult of Violence') in the Weekend Express of 23rd May was in the same spirit and he makes his feelings very clear: 'Unfortunately, we are now fast reaching the stage where political assassinations [in Sri Lanka] are being viewed as inevitable, and those who dare the powers that be as legitimate 'soft targets'... [In the transformation of the 'Tamil psyche' following the political murder of Alfred Duraiyappah in 1975] it was easy to justify the killing of political opponents by conveniently branding the victims as 'traitors'.... Little did our Gandhian [i.e. TULF] politicians realise that the doting 'thambis' [i.e. the young militants] would soon be branding them, the 'elder brothers', as traitorsÉ The parade of 'traitors', with self appointed jurors, is not over yet. Ultimately what can stop this madness is 'People's Power' - Power that stems from the belief that truth will prevail...'
When one enters the world of the local Tamil media today, it is like entering an intellectual ghetto with different compulsions. The expression 'People's Power' would today be alien to it. One may trace its beginnings to the politics of the TULF, seen as urbane lawyers in the English speaking world, while the rhetoric of violence and hatred in Tamil was heard from their local platforms. The paper 'Suthanthiran' (sealed in 1983), owned by the Chelvanayakam family, was the flag bearer of this political culture and was looked upon with horror and dismay by Left political groups who spoke of 'People's Power'. The Left was then being fast marginalised by chauvinistic fervor. When the LTTE struck at the EPRLF in 1986 the last survivals of the politics of 'People's Power' largely disappeared from Tamil discourse. The ghost of the 'Suthanthiran' haunts almost the whole of the Tamil media today. We have here an example of how the community's politics (as distinct from ancient history) determines culture.
An interesting indication of the cultural contrast referred to comes from two articles written by the same journalist, one in English and the other in Tamil. Both concern the murder of Sarojini. Our conclusion about the identity of the writers of the two articles derives from the fact that the same interview with Sarojini, both versions agreeing on salient points, appeared in two articles in sister papers. Both articles indicate that the interview was given to the writer alone and is referred to as a 'special interview' in the Tamil (Veerakesari) article. The one in English appeared in the Weekend Express of 23rd May. Titled 'An epitome of courage is no more', it says of Sarojini: 'I had the privilege and opportunity to move around with her.... While I was impressed by the relatively high voter turnout given the prevailing security situation, what impressed me more was the courage and resilience of Sarojini Yogeswaran.... She was clearly committed to the restoration of democracy, as well as to meeting the day to day needs of the people of Jaffna'. The one in Tamil appears in the column of the writer under a pseudonym in the Sunday Virakesari of 24th May, sister paper of Weekend Express. Virakesari is a mainstream Tamil paper, and remains perhaps the most prestigious.
The article in Tamil titled 'Meaningless elections and unnecessary deaths' was largely critical of the Government for imposing unwanted elections. Except for the impersonal remark 'The mayor chosen by the people was brutally killed by a gunman. Whoever the killers are the act is one that should be strongly condemned', there was no expression of the writer's personal admiration and feelings for the murdered lady, so evident in the English article. The piece charges the Government of having conducted the elections merely for international propaganda, and concludes: 'The Government clearly understood one thing and moved its game-pieces (kaaikal) very shrewdly: That is seeking to leave out the Tigers and establish peace is like looking for rabbit horns'.
By the time the article came out it was absolutely clear for, four days to any Tamil journalist worth his salt that Mrs.Yogeswaran was killed by the Tigers. If one was to face up to this fact, one had to pose the crucial questions, What is the nature of the LTTE that drives it to kill an admittedly (at least in English) admirable, brave and courageous woman committed to the welfare of the people?, Is it amenable to peace on reasonable terms compatible with democracy?, If the answer is yes, given its past record, who can guarantee its behaviour during a cease-fire for negotiations?, If the answer is no, what does one expect from a responsible Government? Intelligent Tamils well know the answers to these questions. Thus by pretending not to know who killed Sarojini, Thangathurai and many others like Namasivayam, one could produce reams of arguments and conclusions that are meaningless fantasies. In more unscrupulous hands this line of writing can be unconscionably mischievous.
In the case of the writer quoted above one could discern several dissonances between the pieces in English and Tamil: In the first the writer was impressed by the relatively high turn out at the elections, and also by Sarojini's qualities, especially her 'courage and resilience' in making a deliberate personal chioce; in the second the elections were unwanted and Sarojini had been reduced to a gamepiece or pawn of the Government. The Tamil readers are again given the scary message that you can never - unless you enjoy searching for rabbit horns - accomplish anything by defying the Tigers. One could also occasionally adopt the journalistic device of producing a quotation from an anonymous school principal to the effect that 'it is because of the Tigers that Tamils walk with their heads held high'.
The singular compulsions faced by those writing in Tamil are almost universal. The editorial of the same Veerakesari movingly mourns the losses of Brigadier Wijeratne and Mrs.Yogeswaran, but then adds: 'These killings should be a lesson to those who think that there could be a military solution and to those who suppose that by distracting the [Tamil] people away into the democratic mainstream, the political solution can be postponed'.
These sentiments are easily absorbed by minds long softened by propaganda. They are never urged to think or act responsibly, but rather that they have no choice but to surrender to the Tigers.
In the same Veerakesari (24th May), the column by 'lover of Humanity' (Manitha Neyan) titled 'The curse of the Tamils' begins by declaring that it is not known who is responsible for Sarojini's murder. The ground has thus been disingenuously prepared for turning the blame on the non-LTTE Tamil parties, the Government and the Sinhalese: Instead of resolving the ethnic question politically, the Government has resorted to a strategy of divide and rule by creating divisions [e.g. through electoral competition] among the Tamils.... This is why the Tamil people are clashing among themselves and are killing each other.... It is by those selfish people who as though unable to question the Government's injustices, lend support to them, that the Tamil race has been pawned. It is because of them that the Tamil race is today moving towards the abyss of destructionÉThe Sinhalese majoritarian racists, political parties and all other organisations are determined in their resolve to deny the Tamil people their basic rights and to crush their [freedom] struggleÉ'
Whatever the writer intended, an average reader can hardly be blamed for drawing the conclusion from this rigmarole that the Tigers are the champions of Tamil freedom and Sarojini was a selfish traitor for lending herself to the Sinhalese divide and rule strategy.
The destructiveness of the Tamil media even carries over into that section funded and established for the very purpose of inter-communal justice, equality and understanding.
Such were the aims of the Movement for Inter-Racial Justice and Equality when it launched journals in Sinhalese ('Yukthiya') and Tamil ('Sarinihar'). The 'Yukthiya' has enjoyed considerable success in fulfilling these aims. But against 'Sarinihar' there have been long unaddressed complaints that its overall thrust was towards reinforcing those very perceptions that sustained the LTTE's ideological base and ruled out any prospect of ethnic harmony.
In Jaffna itself many people badly wanted to protest against Sarojini's murder, but circumstances ruled out any mass mobilisation. There was similar fear in Colombo. Neither 'Sarinihar' nor any other section of the Tamil press in Colombo found themselves able or willing to mobilise public indignation against the murder. MIRJE itself strongly condemned the murder without naming the LTTE. Yet the only demonstration against the act in the whole island, took the form of a picket in Colombo by some women's groups on 2nd July. Tamils in particular should have been grateful and called upon all concerned to join. This was instead ridiculed in the 'Sarinihar' (11.6.98) accusing these women's groups of failing protest against other named routine violations suffered by especially Tamil women in the course of war, security operations, defective policing and so on.
The reader of course would not know much about the women's groups. But the inference drawn would be that the killing of Sarojini is not such a big issue to deserve such notice by women's groups and that there is nothing distinctive about it when placed against other deaths in the course of war. This again muddles the reader by trivialising a political murder. Moreover every civilised society recognises the life-giving and nurturing role of women which entitles them to special protection, and so finds crimes against them peculiarly abhorrent. More than this, Sarojini was playing this woman's role in a broken society, consciously courting danger in the spirit of sacrifice. Again, in a situation such as the Tamils are in, political killings, particularly of those playing a crucial role like Sarojini, are comparable with genocide. They are deliberately meant to constrain people by denying them choice, to destroy them in soul, mind and body, and to entangle their children in a deadly and cynical power game.
Such are things the LTTE does not want people to see, and it has got a very obliging Tamil media to muddle them. An issue of the same paper earlier this year (Sarinihar 25.2.98) carried an article by the lady peace activist mentioned earlier, obliquely defending the LTTE's bomb attack on the Temple of the Tooth in Kandy - where initially the 50th Anniversary of Independence was to be celebrated. She posed the question: 'If a Sinhalese-Buddhist leader is to deliver the freedom(?) day address from that octogonal building, would those who intend demonstrating their opposition to it explode a bomb in the Peradeniya Botanical Gardens?'
At the level of discussion scaled by this prominent peace activist, someone defending the isolated attacks on Tamils in Kandy which followed, can argue: 'When the LTTE which is trumpeted as the respresentatives of Tamils by eminent Tamil spokesmen (e.g. AGOTIC & Tamil Congress) in Colombo, commits murder and sacrilege in Kandy, do you expect Sinhalese-Buddhists who want to demonstrate their outrage to go to Jaffna and attack Tamils there?'
The piece, which appeared as a reply by the peace activist to an earlier condemnation of the attack on the temple by a columnist, had one valid point. For a Government committed to pluralism and ethnic harmony, the Temple of the Tooth was an unhappy choice for the celebration of the golden jubilee of independence. It had ideological implications that are the very cause of war and division. Had the LTTE allowed normal and healthy political activity among Tamils and if protests by them against a sectarian celebration had not been heeded, people could have demonstrated on the streets and made an impact. But in today's reality the proposed ceremony at the Temple had become a small issue. Protest by Tamils had become meaningless in the context of their not being free to protest against the LTTE's terror attacks in Colombo like the Central Bank blast and the bomb attack in the crowded passenger train. These were done by a leadership (i.e. the LTTE) hoisted upon them by very influential Tamils. The Tamil people were reduced to wishing and hoping that good sense among the Sinhalese would opt for a more suitable location for the ceremony than the Temple.
There is no doubt that many Sinhalese were themselves uncomfortable about the politicisation of religion. Indeed, subsequently the President put her foot down and the Independence ceremony was conducted in a very non-sectarian and statesmanlike manner with no religious dignitaries present. Other points raised in the 'Sarinihar' article are typical of many others appearing in Tamil that are designed to sow confusion. It argues that in a war where many religious sites of the Tamils had been destroyed, the Temple of the Tooth that is closely associated with the ideology responsible for the oppression of Tamils, cannot be regarded as inviolable.
While the present war, for which the LTTE is almost wholly responsible, has inevitably resulted in much damage, the role of the Sri Lankan political leadership has to be judged by a different criterion: Has the President, for example, done her utmost to minimise the harm to civilians while prosecuting the war?
It is not for example as though the President ordered the bombing of St. Peter & St. James' Church, Navaly in July 1995. What one can fault the President with, is her failure to inquire into and take action against the offenders. The attack on the Temple of the Tooth is qualitatively vastly different. Here the supposed leader of the Tamil people summons some poor lad with an unhappy past who became a Black Tiger, goes through what is in effect a novel religious ceremony, and dispatches him to blast the Temple and end his life. Can a sane people take credit, or derive happiness from this horrifying act? Should we not, rather, question the society and its leadership that drives thousands of young men to this state?
Should it not again be the role of a journal like 'Sarinihar' to examine the politicisation of religion from a broader context, and in particular, the politicisation of religion among Tamils in particular where the consequences have also been very grave? The LTTE has been using the Nallur Kanthasamy Kovil for events that were meant to have a gruesome influence on the psychology of the Tamils, which indeed reaped death in cyclonic proportions.
In October 1986, bodies of Sri Lankan soldiers killed by the LTTE, and others captured (and killed a year later) were displayed for public view in front of the temple. In September the following year, Thileepan's ceremonial fast to death was held again in the temple premises as the main part of the campaign to arouse anti-lndian feelings, ostensibly to wring some undemocratic political concessions from the Indian Government. Was not the influence on the Tamil psyche wholly baneful and a manipulative preparation for permanent conflict and death? Is it not far more important for a Tamil journal under the MIRJE to make an acute study of this phenomenon rather than to publish articles pretending that politicisation of religion is exclusively a problem of the Sinhalese? The LTTE has indeed gone much further: It has made a religion out of politics - a religion of human sacrifice.
Under the present political dispensation, there are particular tricks of the trade in running a supposedly progressive Tamil journal. Out of many examples, the 'Sarinihar' for instance can claim in its defence that it had condemned the attack on the Temple of the Tooth. But after the peace activist's clever and persuasive article (a reply!) the overall impression left behind is contrary to the purposes of the MIRJE. A particular poignant question confronts the Tamils in view of some of the original nobler aims of the liberation struggle. There are a number of Sinhalese journals which raise questions about Sinhalese society and Sinhalese state ideology that are intended to be self-critical. Even a mainline paper such as the 'Lankadeepa' has been commended as a good influence. After the attack on the Temple, instead of treating it as a challenge and persisting in a religious ceremony, President Kumarathunga veered in a non-sectarian direction. It shows that at the bottom there are some commendable healthy influences in Sinhalese society. After all these years of liberation struggle, why are we Tamils unable to publish even one journal that would address political and social issues truthfully and objectively?
Given this media culture there is a good deal of trivialisation and character assassination of dead persons that goes on. 'Thinamurasu', the paper associated with the EPDP, revels in it. 'Thinamurasu' best exemplifies the anarchy and political vacuum that exists within the Tamil community. It is the most widely read paper among Tamils, particularly the youth, having colour pictures of cinema stars, cinema gossip and some light-weight political columns. The latter praise the LTTE, run down the other political parties, especially the TULF and EPRLF, and unavoidably the EPDP too. In its columns; the LTTE is credited with restraint in dealing with other Tamil parties, and the latter as having misplaced this clemency in tripping over each other and rushing into elections to grab the crumbs proffered by the Government, in order to stifle and suppress the struggle of the Tamil people. What is ironical is that the paper is edited by an EPDP MP and deputy leader, whose party sits in parliament and votes with the Government on extending the Emergency. Under the Premadasa regime, he was responsible for a satirical radio programme attacking the LTTE. Today the 'Thinamurasu' sells well in the Tamils Diaspora and the LTTE is reportedly scaling down its own publications abroad as the 'Thinamurasu' is doing the job more effectively.
During the 80s, a large number of cadre from the left oriented militant groups had such a high level of political discernment that the LTTE was unable to face them in public debate. It frequently resorted to murder to deal with them. Today the EPDP is recruiting from the exploited sections of society on purely mercenary terms. Unlike older Left oriented political groups which politicised them and gave them a sense of dignity and purpose, the EPDP cadre are bred and politicised on the 'Thinamurasu'. There was recently the tragedy where the EPDP leader Douglas Devananda visiting Kalutara prison was attacked by inmates who are LTTE suspects. As sad as it is, one could bet that the favourite reading material of the attackers is the 'Thinamurasu'. Not surprisingly, rather than condemning the mob attack by LTTEers with lethal weapons on an isolated, unarmed individual, the EPDP's deputy Ieader Ramesh skirted the issue by blaming the attack on the prison authorities. Given the paucity of healthy writing in Tamil, the young are presently being poisoned by fascist trash. 'Thinamurasu' exemplifies this phenomenon.
A quality characteristic of a culture of mediocrity is that it cannot admit greatness in individuals. It cannot accept that people could be well-motivated and sincere. Attempts for example have been made in 'Thinamurasu' and Paasupathan's column in the 'Sanjeevy' to denigrate the character of Larry Wijeratne. False suggestions have been made to the effect that he was responsible for the Kokkadichcholai massacre of 1991 and for the disappearance of many persons in Jaffna. He was a competent military officer doing a difficult job and civilians who knew him never doubted his sincerity. He spent much of his leave in Colombo trying to get things going in Jaffna and often felt despondent. How does one, for example, explain an army officer with precious little time with his family in Colombo, going to the Open University in an attempt to persuade them to reopen their centre in Jaffna? Does such a man fit into a cunning plan to crush the Tamils? Similar attempts on Sarojini too are strewn everywhere in the Tamil press.
(Contd tomorrow)
