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J. R. Jayewardene and the Golden age of Tamil Separatism
By Kamalika PierisIn 1977 J. R. Jayewardene assumed office as Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. He took up office at an age when he should have been quitting it. He was 71 years old. He continued till he was 83 years. The UNP had obtained 138 of the 168 seats at the 1977 General Elections. About 85% of the electorate had voted. J. R. Jayewardene had never been a very popular or beloved leader. He was to some extent distrusted and disliked by the UNP and the electorate at large. However in 1977 he was seen as a welcome escape from the 1970-77 United Front rule of state control, quotas and queues.
The most successful aspect of JR’s rule was his economic policy. He liberalised trade, encouraged foreign investment and introduced the ‘open economy’. This was in response to the economic currents outside Sri Lanka, where an expanding world trade provided an opportunity for developing countries to increase their exports. The UNP thus helped Sri Lanka to re-link with the world economy. JR set up the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC) and the Free Trade Zones. JR’s other achievement was the Accelerated Mahaweli Programme, which increased irrigation, agricultural productivity and hydro electric capacity in the country.
His political reforms were controversial. He established Sri Lanka’s first ever Executive Presidency. He also oversaw the 1978 Constitution. He thereafter advanced the Presidential election from 1983 to 1982 and thus obtained two terms for himself. And then substituted a referendum for a general election which enabled the Parliament to go on for a further period of 6 years from August 1983. Both were undemocratic measures intended to prolong JR’s period of power. Due to the creation of an Executive President, J. R. Jayewardene became all powerful. He was head of the executive, head of Cabinet, head of government, and Commander in Chief of the armed forces. "Not since the time of the colonial governor of British times had such powers been concentrated in one man’ (K. M. de Silva and H. Wriggins."J. R. Jayewardene of Sri Lanka" Vol. 2 P 474).
President Jayewardene was now in a position where he could dismiss the Cabinet, dissolve parliament call for a new election. He had direct powers of appointment of the Chief Justice, senior members of the Judiciary, Secretaries to Ministries, the country’s ambassadors. He could appoint his cabinet, other ministers, deputy ministers and district ministers. This he did with great generosity. Thus, very soon, nearly three fifths of the UNP MPs were either cabinet ministers, project ministers, deputy ministers or district ministers. He gave them other privileges. They were given telephones, cars and jeeps at duty free rates. Their salaries and allowances were raised. JR was thus in a position to keep his UNP MPs under control by threatening to take away their privileges if they did not meekly toe his line and obey his wishes. This large number of ‘ministers’ greatly complicated the administration and affected efficiency. It became a source of political jokes in the country. The spreading of perquisites to such a large body of followers also became a point of criticism in JR’s government. (de Silva and Wriggins P 489-90)
JR did not develop a high level Presidential Secretariat, as most Presidents do. He had no team of special advisers, as in America or France. The letters sent by the public to his private residence at Ward Place were opened by his grandsons tutor, one de Silva, who made his recommendations. His personal Secretary, at official level was W. M. B. Menikdiwela, a former DRO, who had been a loyal supporter of JR for a very long time. He was not a member of the elite Civil Service. Bradman Weerakoon, who had functioned as Secretary to several Prime Ministers before JR, was sent to the office of Prime Minister, Premadasa. (de Silva & Wriggins. P 478-480).
JR’s period of office ran to two terms and lasted from 1977 to 1989. He was 83 when he reluctantly retired from office, having actually considered running for office again. His period of rule is noted for a variety of events, which were neither pleasant not constructive. Police officers who were indicted on charges were given promotions, judges’ houses were stoned, Prof. Sarachchandra assaulted, and Mrs. Bandaranaike deprived of her civic rights.
J. R. Jayewardene’s period of rule was extremely beneficial to the Tamil separatist movement. The UNP Manifesto for 1977 General Elections accepted the ‘problems of the Tamil people’. The UNP was going to remedy these, specially their grievances as regards languages and land. (de Silva & Wriggins P 337). The TULF swept the polls in the North, winning 17 seats, and the SLFP was routed. The TULF Manifesto for the 1977 elections was a ‘thesis on rabid communal thinking. It was not only anti-Sinhalese, but also anti-government and anti-unitary state. It was a manifesto that amounted to treason and fortunately published only in the Tamil language’ (Sinha Ratnatunga. "Politics of Terrorism’ P 319).
J. R. Jayewardene tilted heavily towards the Tamil separatist parties. He appointed N. Satyendra as a Secretary to the Ministry of Labour, from outside the public service over the heads of many disappointed Sinhalese. Satyendra was also the adviser to TELO, at one time. (Ratnatunga P 358). JR had A. J. Wilson as his special adviser.
Wilson advised on the 1978 Constitution and later wrote admiringly on it as a "Gaullist Constitution in Asia." He came from Canada in 1981 as a mediator when there was a clash between the TULF and JR. A. J. Wilson is the son-in-law of S. J. V. Chelvanayagam, and an open advocate of Tamil separatism. Wilson has a flattering view of JR. He considered him to be widely read. He had read Wilson’s account of the 1978 Constitution twice over. JR’s Advisers and Cabinet ministers were ‘small potatoes’ but JR took every precaution and ‘walked on eggs’ with utmost care. JR was Wilson’s ‘most brilliant pupil in 43 years of university teaching’. He was a ‘much wrecked figure sitting on a volcano of his own creation.’ (sic) (A.J. Wilson. (Island 8.2.98, P 10).
JR dealt represssively with Ministers who challenged the TULF. Thus Neville Fernando and Cyril Mathew were ultimately sacked from their positions. But he took a lenient view over TULF activity. The Sansoni Commission, appointed to inquire into the 1977 anti-Tamil riots which broke out soon after the elections, found that the riots were due to the provocative activities and speeches made by Tamil separatist groups. The evidence indicated close links between the TULF leadership and the militant youth groups. JR ignored the Sansoni Commission report. (de Silva & Wriggins. P 354).
Amirthalingam was appointed leader of the Opposition since the TULF had the most votes in the Opposition. However, as K. M. de Silva and H. Wriggins point out, there was no precedent in the history of parliamentary democracy in the Commonwealth, for the position of ‘Leader of the Opposition’ being held by the head of a party committed to a separatist programme and thus to the dismemberment of the polity. (de Silva & Wriggins P 352) Amirthalingam continued with separatist activities, undeterred by his position. He openly lent his support to separatist campaigns when he was abroad. He waved aside the official cars provided by the Sri Lanka embassies and drove off in cars provided by the separatist activists in the various capitals. This was a breach of the convention of political neutrality that he was expected to observe on such occasions. (de Silva & Wriggins, P 435).
The TULF had direct access to JR at all times during his term as President. He gave them very high recognition at political level. In the 1980’s when the District Development Councils Act was under discussion, the draft legislation was separately scrutinised by the TULF. The powers of the Councils had been enlarged well beyond that recommended by the Tennekoon Commission, in response to the criticism and suggestions made by the TULF. (de Silva & Wriggins. P 440). Further, during this time JR arranged for regular meetings between cabinet ministers, officials, the TULF MPs and their advisers, with JR in the chair. This was to get the non-Tamil Ministers, and the TULF MPs together, so that the former would get ‘used to working with the TULF’ and thus give their support for the settlement JR has agreed to with the TULF in August 1981. (de Silva & Wriggins P 448).
JR Jayewardene has had numerous secret talks with the TULF. There was one set of such talks in 1981, with A. J. Wilson as the mediator. The talks were secret and the newspapers were totally unaware that discussions were taking place. Eventually, the TULF conditions laid down at these talks emerged in public. They were as follows: The speedy establishment of the District Councils. More places for Tamils in the public sector. Public officers in every district to be proficient in the language of the majority of that district. And speedy payment for the damage to property in Jaffna during the May riots of 1981. (de Silva & Wriggins P 447).
JR also colluded with the TULF on strategy. When Mrs. Bandaranaike’s civic rights were suspended, JR had advised the TULF to vote against the abolition of her civic rights. This was suggested to prevent the SLFP from arguing that there was collusion between the UNP and TULF. (de Silva & Wriggins P 509).
J. R. Jayewardene’s period of rule was clearly the golden age of Tamil separatism in Sri Lanka. They secured many advantages, which they retain even today. Let us look at them one by one.
The first significant gain was through the 1978 Constitution, where for the first time in Sri Lanka’s history Tamil was recognised as a ‘national language’ (article 19). Thereafter in the 13th Amendment to 1978 Constitution, Tamil was brought on par with Sinhala as one of the official languages of Sri Lanka. Similarly there were two moves in the direction of Eelam. Firstly the Development Councils Act of 1980 gave land rights and land settlement as subjects to the districts. Then, through 13 Amendment, came the Provincial Councils which enlarged the sub national unit to a Province, and land rights rested in the Provincial Council. With the merger of the North and East, through Indo-Lanka Accord, the future state of Eelam was put in place, in readiness for the next development, the union of regions.
The J. R. Jayewardene government is also the period in which the militant groups, notably the LTTE were able to entrench themselves in the North and East. They built bunkers, underground hospitals and so on. They were allowed to exert some sort of sovereignty in their territory, with taxes, kangaroo courts and so on. During the IPKF period, JR ordered the state army back to barracks, from which they watched as the LTTE strutted around. The LTTE also took the opportunity to see the area around the army encampments with land mines. After the 1983 ethnic riots, India gave greater recognition to the militant groups, and brought them to the negotiating table, which meant formal recognition of these groups. Lastly, during JR’s time, the Tamil separatist movement was able to formalise their demands at the level of bilateral discussions, before India. These ideas came out as ‘Annexure C’, the ‘Thimpu Principles’ and Indo-Lanka Accord. All this was possible because JR was Sri Lanka’s President.
JR also helped to add to the number of Tamil citizens in the country. The ‘Sirima-Shastri’ pact for repatriation of Indian Tamils plantation labour had lapsed in 1981, and still there were excess Tamils left in Sri Lanka. India had indicated a reluctance to take them and in any case they did not want to go. Thondaman of the CWC also wanted to retain them, as they increased his political base. In 1984 these additional 93,000 were given citizenship. (Ranatunga P 96). Even before that, in 1977 itself, the plantation workers were given the right to vote in local government elections. (de Silva & Wriggins P 392). In 1988 came the Grant of Citizenship to Stateless persons Act No. 39 of 1988. With the adoption of this legislation, plantation workers of Indian extraction fell into two clear categories. Sri Lankan citizens and those with Indian citizenship but resident in the island for the duration of their working lives. (de Silva & Wriggins. P 580). This action has been questioned. It has been pointed out that any alien is entitled to citizenship simply by swearing an affidavit which cannot be contested. "Citizen D" has pointed out that it is alleged that about 230,000 bogus affidavits have been submitted and non-existent persons also have become citizens. (Island 14.10.98 P 4). Therefore we see, that this issue has also led to corrupt dealings.
Now let us look at the events of the 1980s. The 1983 anti-Tamil riots were a sort of watershed in Sri Lankan politics. An important item of these riots was its demonstration of JR’s weakness. JR hesitated to restore order. There were three or four days of silence during the worst of the rioting. JR’s ministers confirmed this when interviewed by K. M. de Silva. (de Silva and Wriggins p 567)
The 1983 riots helped the Tamil separatist movement to internationalise the matter. They were greatly helped by India. India used its formidable diplomatic resources, through its High Commissions and embassies in the west to accuse the Sri Lankan government of atrocities in its attacks on the Tamils in the North. At the United Nation Organisation, Indian delegates, generally Tamilnadu politicians would raise the Sri Lankan issue in the course of debates. S. Ramachandran, a minister of Tamilnadu state government addressed a special Political Committee of the UN in October 1983 and raised the question of Sri Lankan refugees in Tamilnadu. In September 1984, Mr. Mirdha, an Indian delegate repeated the argument in a statement on behalf of India at a general debate at the 39th Session of the UN General Assembly. (de Silva and Wriggins. p 583—4)
The situation was even more favourable to a diplomatic offensive at the United Nations Office in Geneva, and the sessions of the Human Rights Commission where the Indian representative would either raise the Sri Lankan issue on his own, or more often back countries such as Argentina and Norway in raising the issue officially. Official records of the UN Geneva Office show that in 1983, 1984 and 1985 Indian delegates raised the issue of human rights violations in Sri Lanka at meetings of the Commission on Human Rights, and the Sub-commission on Prevention, Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. One such speech specially noted by the Silva and Wriggins is the speech of M. C. Bhandare, a member of the sub-commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities in Geneva, August 1984.
Some of the western nations, such as the United States and Britain were represented on the commission by non-governmental organisations. There was in addition, the conspicuous presence of Human Rights groups. Sri Lanka was therefore under much greater pressure in Geneva than in New York. (I have quoted from de Silva & Wriggins p 583—584.)
Let us therefore look to see why India took a hostile attitude to Sri Lanka. Before that we must look at J.R. Jayewardene’s foreign policy. Sri Lanka, though small in size, has taken a decisive stand on international matters. There was the San Francisco Conference after the World War II. There was Bandung thereafter. During the time of SWRD and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, a policy of non-alignment was established, and Sri Lanka had good relations with the western bloc as well as the Communist bloc countries. Mrs. Bandaranaike was head of the Non-Aligned Movement, and had excellent relations with Egypt’s Nasser, Yugoslavia’s Tito, and India’s Indira Gandhi. Sri Lanka’s opinion was treated with respect in the United Nations, and Sri Lanka was often consulted. Then came J.R. Jayewardene.
J.R. did not take up the subject of foreign affairs, which normally came directly under the head of state, in view of the unique importance.
He treated foreign policy with indifference. He created a Minister for Foreign Affairs and appointed Mr. A.C.S. Hameed. India had asked why, for such a sensitive post, a Sinhalese had not been appointed. (de Silva & Wriggins, p 399 footnote)
JR moved away from the policy of non-alignment. He followed a sort of pro-west tilt. At one time he decided to link Sri Lanka with ASEAN, despite the fact that Sri Lanka was longer considered a part of Southeast Asia, but a part of South Asia. He decided that our model should be Singapore. JR’s foreign policy was considered illogical and erratic. In 1982 when Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands, most UN nations sided with Argentina. JR instructed Sri Lanka to vote with Britain against Argentina. (de Silva & Wriggins, p 421). Then when the US invaded Grenada, Sri Lanka refused to vote with the US. (Ratnatunga p 152)
JR’s diplomatic relations with India were a disaster. In 1977 Indira Gandhi was not in power but was clearly the Prime Minister in waiting. JR had, in 1977 apparently made a public speech where he had referred to Indira Gandhi and her politician son, Sanjay, as ‘this cow and her calf’. Indira Gandhi who was quite touchy and clearly without a sense of humour had got angry. Thereafter, in 1980 he went to India to attend the Commonwealth Asia-Pacific Regional Conference and made another speech, where he praised Indira Gandhi’s father and grandfather and left her out. She had got annoyed all over again. (de Silva & Wriggins, p 416)
One of the prime duties of the head of state of a country is to look after foreign policy. There are others to look after internal matters, but foreign policy traditionally came directly under head of state. JR’s approach was indifferent and clumsy. He dispensed with the services of the Foreign Ministry. He ignored them and engaged in solo performances of his own. This was useful to the Tamil separatist movement as we shall see later. Further JR dealt with foreign policy through anyone available. Thus Premadasa, Hameed, Athulathmudali and Ronnie de Mel were all dispatched at one time or other on foreign policy related missions. It appears that JR saw himself as a very elevated figure. He saw himself as a combination of Disraeli, de Gaulle and as the last of Sri Lanka’s kings. (Vittachi. ‘’Sri Lanka what went wrong’’ p 43, de Silva & Wriggins p 323)
JR also engaged in a series of foreign policy overtures which were calculated to upset India. He considered renting out the oil tank farm in Trincomalee to an American firm. Then he agreed to let Voice of America extend its facilities at Iranamadu. He turned to Pakistan, Israel and China for military training and ammunition. India was not on good relations with either Pakistan and China. Commentators have argued that this need not have upset India, since India had good relations with America and Israel. But that is not the point. India is Sri Lanka’s nearest, if not sole neighbour. It is therefore also its nearest friend and protector. It is only commonsense to take into consideration India’s legitimate concerns as to its security. America had its Indian Ocean base at Diego Garcia, true enough, but that need not prevent it from having a stake in Trincomalee as well. While India did not wish to control Trincomalee harbour, it did not like to permit any other power to do so either.
Given all these facts India came into the Sri Lanka ethnic issue with a bang. There were three reasons for doing so. Firstly. The Congress Party had an important base in the Tamilnadu, and therefore Tamilnadu opinion was important for Indira Gandhi to stay in power. Once military activity started in Jaffna, the LTTE and other militant groups established bases in Tamilnadu. They got the support of the Tamilnadu political parties who spoke out in defence of separatist politics both in the Lok Sabha in New Delhi and in direct discussion with Indira Gandhi, then Prime Minister. Since Tamilnadu support was vital, Indira listened to them, took suitable action and made the appropriate noises. The second reason has already been discussed. JR’s silly statements had annoyed her. Thirdly, his bungling foreign policy had also created concern in India. Indira commenced a surveillance of Sri Lanka, using Indian Intelligence, RAW. She permitted Tamilnadu to give refuge to the LTTE, who were openly roaming the area. They were often guests of prominent Tamil politicians in their homes and government hostels. Indira Gandhi herself met TELO leader in 1983. (Ratnatunga p 123). In addition, she also officially arranged for the militants to receive training, finance and arms from India. The youth were permitted to enter India and live in it without any travel papers. They had an understanding with the local police. (Ratnatunga. p 112). Indian intelligence established links with the Tamil group in Lanka.
In 1983 India informed Sri Lanka that it was concerned as to handling of the ethnic riots, particularly the emergency regulations for control of terrorism. JR started off quite bravely, challenging India. Sri Lanka reacted strongly to interference in its internal affairs. There were newspaper headlines such as ‘India meddling over Jaffna developments’. This was contrasted with the manner in which India had helped Mrs. Bandaranaike over the 1971 insurgency. (Ratnatunga p 114).
India gave refuge to Tamils wanted for offences in Sri Lanka. And after the 6th Amendment to the Constitution, the TULF leadership also landed in Madras. Amirthaliagam met Mrs. Gandhi in New Delhi in August 1983. He was present at India’s Independence Day celebrations in New Delhi as a VIP later on at periodical intervals the TULF politbureau were hosted in New Delhi as state guests. (Ratnatunga p 322). Later India had direct dealings with Prabhakaran and even gave financial guarantees. (Island 21.12.97 p 14).
University reforms and the youth
By Ephrem FernandoClaudio Aquaviva was a Jesuit general who lived in the late sixteenth-century. A man for all seasons, he had on his desk a piece of wood on which was inscribed the Latin motto "Suaviter in Modo, Fortiter in Re" which in English means "Gently in Manner, Strongly in Deed". Although his personal life was rich in piety he was never morose and there were not many days without mirth. He once remarked that if you want God to laugh show him your plans.
God certainly would have laughed if he had seen the plans of the Task Force on University Reforms for increasing the intake to universities and for expanding capacity by establishing two more in Uva and the North Western Province. The great curse of humanity, it seems to me, is not fanatism or fundamentalism but idealism and in its worst form appears in Task Forces. The wisdom of Task Forces is always incomprehensible to men of goodwill and I have never seen any reason to believe that men and women are really benefited by their deliberations.
Using prose as polished as that of Cicero, the editorial in ‘The Island’ of August 8, 1998, with persuasive clarity, demolished the plans for university expansion by making the point that "today thousands of university graduates remain unemployed or underemployed inspite of having spent the prime of their youth in universities. The overcrowded state sector cannot absorb them and it is oft-repeated by the private sector that these university products though educated and talented have not received an education geared for the kind of jobs that it wants them to fit into".
Prospects for graduates are distraught and melancholy partly because of the growing mix-match between supply and demand and partly because of the collapse of standards, which even at a remote of a generation comes as a shock. I am no theorist and come from a generation that had to sweat and despair to hone our skills because of our awareness that the market is unforgiving and if what we offer is sufficiently alluring the rewards will be magnificent and if they are within the easy reach of all and sundry the penalties will be swift and merciless. There was also the added fact that we were a highly privileged group, studying at public expense and the resources for running the university came from a very poor community.
Our capacity for self-improvement was enhanced by an international language which was thoroughly domesticated and a major component of the university courses. In many ways this was the reason for the success of the university where its graduates had the capacity to cross borders and join the technology explosion which was taking place in the economically advanced societies. That language of influence has been abandoned and is no longer a component of our university courses. As a result education has degenerated into a level of mere cramming and passing examinations. Indians retained the language because of their recognition that for generations to come it would be the medium through which they could acquire the science and technology of the modern world. It is for this reason that Bill Gates, the boss of Microsoft and the world’s richest man, whose net worth is estimated at 50 billion dollars seeks Indian graduates to design web sites for him in the silicon valley. The latest is his desire to open a chip factory in Bangalore. History has once again produced its list of winners and losers.
"The English tongue is of small reach stretching no further than this Island of ours, may not there over all". This was written in 1582. The writer was Richard Mulcaster, headmaster of the Merchant Taylors School in England. Richard Mulcaster was not a visionary, because English is now an international language and the language of the world’s strongest power and several of the second rank. Bismarck is reported to have remark that the most important fact in the world was that Britain and the United States spoke the same language. English is obligatory teaching in the secondary schools in many countries and in others it has a favoured position. International languages are often the language of mathematics. They are the medium through which science and technology of the modern world is easily acquired. They are spoken by educated and technically competent people and are often used in diplomacy and negotiation around council tables.
In short they allow individuals to cross borders and are a ready means of obtaining employment in foreign commercial houses and banks. I have no remorse only a few regrets. One of my genuine regrets is that I did not acquire a high level of competence in an additional language of influence like German or French. I consider that a moment of madness because it has prevented me from gaining access to patents and numerous scientific papers on health and engineering in the original, without depending on English translations. "Traduttore traditore" says the Italian proverb. "The translator is a traitor". It is a tragic blunder not to have a language of influence as a component in our universities. The ordinary sons and daughters of this country deserve better, not made to do menial work and end up dead in the water, while those who have resources, travel abroad to graduate and pick up the plums.
The four young men were graduates from Kandy. They were going from door to door selling counterfeit merchandise manufactured in an East Asian country infringing a western patent. Their employer had brought them in a van and dumped them at the centre of this rapidly expanding suburb, with instructions to maximise sales, for which they were paid a commission. Even though the work was menial, they admitted they were fortunate because most of the graduates in Kandy were unemployed. They were holed up in a room in Dehiwela for which they were paying Rs. 4,000 per month. Food was an extra charge. Their individual earnings were about Rs. 4,000 per month, a portion of which was sent to their parents. In advanced countries, this type of selling, is called multi-level marketing, where salesmen go from door to door selling genuine merchandise not fakes.
Counterfeit merchandise rob the intellectual property rights of the inventor. Being an inventor is lonely because you cannot talk about your ideas to anyone. If an inventor discloses his ideas without a confidentiality agreement, before he applies for a patent, no one including the inventor can patent them, though anyone is free to exploit them. Even after getting a patent, exploiting inventions is not an easy task because investors, manufacturers, patent lawyers have to be convinced with prototypes. Society needs inventions, that is why inventors should be protected from rip-off artists. The four graduates were not only doing menial-work but were also violating the property rights of inventors.
When my generation was a Thurstan road an international language was a major component of the university courses. Students came from everywhere. They were sons and daughters of obscure workmen and cabinet ministers. Once admitted they found the standards strict. There was no compromise, because the trouble with compromise is that you put right and wrong together and end with neither. The faculty at the bottom were simple men, whose professional integrity was so diamond hard and whose moral courage was so unyielding, we bent backwards to emulate them. I do not want to get into hot water or be forced to lament in sackcloth and ashes by repeating what the four graduates said about their faculty and the university, but after they left went inside and took from the wardrobe, my maroon Ceylon University blazer, which has been with me, both in victory and defeat and reminded myself how fortunate I was.
When one drives along Thurstan road and see the graffiti plastered walls and the deserted playing fields, one cannot help but shed a tear. The familiar landmarks have gone, including the club house, the meeting place of the Nemeans - a word coined after the games held in ancient Greece in honour of God Zeus. Like the Luddites, we have destroyed a superb university system which was the envy of our neighbours and the consequences are there for all to see, with graduates "inspite of having spent the prime of their youth in universities" squatting like beggars around clock towers, roundabouts and pavements pleading for jobs. Like what they used to say in the north of England it is a case of "clogs to clogs in three generations".
