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Is it possible to morally justify terrorism?
by Niranjan Dias BandaranaikeArblaster in "Terrorism: Myths, Meaning and Morals" observes that "Moral attitudes to terrorism will defend in the first place on how it is defined". T. Honderick in "Three essays on political violence" defines terrorism as "The use of force prohibited by law, directed to a change in the policies system, territory, government, and hence also directed to changes in lives of individuals within societies". It covers a wide array of violent acts, from hijacking to indiscriminate bombing, murder, political kidnapping, assassination and destruction of property. As the current trend in terrorism is one of increase bath in geographical scope, frequency and intensity, some may wonder if there are any circumstances under which terrorism can be morally justified. In order to answer this question I will attempt to look at the different conceptions and positions on political violence.
The Tolstoyan view reflects the "standards liberal view" that it can never be right to engage in violence, as violence is morally indefensible. Still, some violence will be more generally accepted if its effects are sufficiently good to out weigh the considerable evil inherent in its character. Yet if a violent act may be permissible under certain circumstances, it is never as such in liberal democracies, "Violent forms of protest, which might be a legitimate means of political expression under more repressive regimes, have no place in societies like our own as they allow opposition and lobbying through the political parties, pressure groups and the media, says D. Miller in the "The use and abuse of political violence".
This argument raises the question on how true is the nature of a liberal democracy. The majority rule cannot be identified with equality of political rights, yet, under normal circumstances, it does represent the fairest compromise between opposing views. The liberal conception on violence defines it as "the illegal use of force or the threat of such force against persons or property". It doesn’t take the legal or illegal character of its cause into account. Professor Paul Wilkinson in "Terrorism & the Liberal state" permits violence only in "very extreme and rare cases" History shows emphirically that only massive disobedience can provoke the same response as violence by a minority. Therefore it is "sometimes a uniquely effective way of achieving political objectives even within the framework of a liberal democracy" says D. Miller in the "The use and abuse of political violence".
The Liberals often fail to see both sides of the argument, concentrating albeit with same justifications, on the victims. As Arblasters observation in my introduction, we notice that the various definitions of terrorism emphasize its indiscriminate nature, and its reliance on victim/target differentiation. Terrorism’s ethical considerations are directly related to the constituency of the target audience. When this audience is a liberal democracy, it will be disgusted when the victims are innocent and unrelated to the problem. While the radicals claim justification, the Liberals rely on the moral problem of causing harm.
It seeks to discourage violence whether it may be legitimate or not, and creates a prejudicial view of terrorism.
Sartre"s view
Paul Sartre’s view reflects the radical altitude towards violence. He argues that in certain circumstances, acts of violence may be "therapeutic", as they allow the intellectual and emotional liberation of constraints from a repressive society. It’s seen as a way of expressing one’s disgust at the prevailing social arrangements. Violence is seen as a way to counterbalance the established inequalities of power in elitist social systems; D. Miller terms this "democratic violence", as being the "violence employed in such a way as to enhance the overall level of real democracy in a political system".When power is vested in an elitist plutocracy, the idea of political rights is a facade. Those excluded are forced to use violence in order to make their views known. It’s seen as a "mode of address". Handerich argues that violence can sometimes be seen as an "appeal to the sense of justice of the majority".
They argue that violent acts are viewed as being less justifiable only because they are more often committed by a small group, while the majority is failing to act. It must allow citizens to choose their government without coercion, with approximate equality, and fallow the majority decision. The "Rule of Law" must prevail and the independence of the judiciary is essential. Yet Hobb’s takes the extreme views that "Justice is what the ruler shall determine it to be".
In a practical liberal democracy, abuses of minorities do occur. A government hopes to gain legitimacy from the accountability of a general electorate. A question remains though as why the minority who did not vote for the governing body should obey its laws? A common presupposition in society is the "Social Contract", used by Roussean and Locke among others and traceable to Plato’s Republic, as being the idea of an agreement being formally made to secure the welfare of a group. "Though society is not founded on a contract, and though no good purpose is answered by inventing a contract in order to deduce social obligations from it, everyone who receives the protection of society owes a return for the benefit" says J. S. Mill.
One reason for a liberal democracy to create this feeling of obligation is due to the efficiency of the rule of law. Moreover, the ethical code ("the state of nature" being not to wound others) is bound up pretty closely with the legal order. One’s political obligation is the moral obligation to subject himself to ordinary law.
The members of non-tyrannical societies ought to keep the laws of these societies and not resort to violence, as this violence could go against the general interest. They give their tacit consent and for its part, the state must respect and protect their natural rights. Almost all of them accept the political obligation by the mere existence of law. Nevertheless, if a minority is denied all benefits of participation in the democratic process (other than that of voting) and thus being always outrated and deprived of any peaceful means of protest to improve its situation, then it is in a position closely comparable to a minority’s are living under an authoritarian regime. Democratic justification can only be gained if the grievance is not only legitimate, but also serious, and that it doesn’t threaten the democratic structure as a whole. Actions must be directed at the public as well as at the government in order to gain recognition, support and legitimacy. If this minority fails to persuade the majority by constitutional means, then it will attempt to impose its opinion by the use of violence. Thus, violence is sometimes a uniquely effective way of achieving a political objective.
"Selective violence is expected to alleviate considerably more suffering than it causes, in cases where no other method of alleviating this suffering is available" says D. Miller. This violence may be aimed at a charge in the government policy, abandon an imperialist war, increase aid towards a third world country or to promote democracy.
Terrorism can be judged on two levels: The morality of its ends, and the morality of its means. One must ask himself if the terrorist’s goals are democratic or not, that is to say, aimed at creating or perpetuating a regime of privileges and inequality, or to further ends of justice and freedom. It can be justified if undertaken in order to combat a demonstrable injustice. It is important that terrorist actions don’t result in a worse injustice. It is felt that terrorists motivation must be right. For example, the Black September massacre of Israeli athletes was clearly a military move, and by using an unconventional tactic, it was worldly condemned. The issue of legitimacy is further complicated by the terrorist group’s political stand. The terrorists of the left for example deny the legitimacy of the state and claim that the use of violence against it is justified; while the terrorists of the right deny the legitimacy of opposition.
Thus identical acts performed in different situations do not fall under the same definition. Terrorism poses the fundamental political dilemma of justice, obedience and loyalty. As a government cannot be challenged militarily on the level of physical force, terrorist group will, in a first time, try to discredit this government’s legitimacy. It will challenge the regime’s right to posses this monopoly of force and will discredit its ability to maintain order. This issue of moral legitimacy of terrorism is only part of the complex problem of the use of force in general.
It is difficult to find a way of delimiting a political crime and qualifying the character of a political criminal in international law. S. Schofer in "The political criminal, the problem of morality and crime" sees terrorists as "craftsmen of dreams who posses a gigantic reservoir of creative energy as well as destructive force".
As I mentioned earlier in this essay, identical acts performed in different situations do not fall under the same definition, and thus wont to be judged the same way. Moreover, the criminal of our time maybe the hero, Martyr, or saint of another time and country. Nevertheless, the political system has to rely upon a judiciary base in order to fight anarchy.
All laws are formulated on the unspoken assumption that they are just and represent the "right" justice, eventhough they may not appear to be so to all members of the society. As a consequence, terrorism is viewed as counter ideological to the mere conditions of existence of society, it is non desirable, contrary to the formulated and determined "norms of action".
The problem with terrorism legitimacy in international law is that it is difficult for the audience to remain neutral. Within the academic legal community, there are the same ideological divisions to be found elsewhere.
There are those who focus on the legitimate aspirations of the guerrilla’s and the freedom fighters and those who declare that there is no excuse for the massacre of innocents. Some will consider terrorist acts as illegitimate, even when used on behalf of a morally admirable cause; "Terrorism is undeniably criminal conduct, and to grant any political exception to offenders who have perpetrated indiscriminate death and destruction is a patent denial of the rule of law" says M. H. Livingston in "International Terrorism in the contemporary world". Furthermore to say that randomized terror violence can be encouraged, simply because there is no peaceful or legitimate remedy for redress is to replace the rule of law with the ancient credo of might makes will. On one side stand the ones who believe that our lives should not be disrupted in order to bring about an hypothetically better life. On the other, those who are convinced that it is a moral right and duty to use whatever means are necessary to destroy that status quo.
However there is little international support for ethnic terrorists for example; "the disruption of the national unity like the violent overthrow of a democratic system by radical groups is intrinsically illegitimate says M. Crenshaw in "Terrorism, Legitimacy and Politics: The consequences of political violence". Terrorist groups seek to change the political system by force, yet they lack the status of nation states.
Although the international community has generally accepted the legitaimacy of national liberation struggles from colonial regimes, it hasn’t accepted the targeting of a nation state itself. Some, in support of national liberation, would argue that the ends justify the means, as their causes are morally legally defensible. But rather than legitimizing violence, shouldn’t we try to control and limit it? Moreover can we trust a movement which has used violence to proclaim itself as being the defender of moral values? Isn’t it likely to lead to further immoral exploitation? The seriousness of a crime must not be mixed up with sympathy for a particular cause.
One must bear in mind that there can be no justification for the violation of basic human rights. The criminal nature of terrorism must be kept in mind. Attempting to excuse ones terrorist’s acts by the human predisposition to violence, as man is inherently "evil" would be too easy. Governments have become less and less tolernt of all forms of disruptive violence, especially of terrorism.
In order to counter it, several solutions have been put forward, like law enforcement, social and economic reforms in order to satisfy more people, moral persuasion with an increase of religious groups interventions, media restraint, deterrent policies, etc.
The case of the terrorists is lost by their employment of certain tactics. It is the dubious nature of the efficiency; of terrorism which produces the strongest case against it. While its causes may be justifiable, its effects are not, they can be even counter productive. As political violence is inherently part of a context for legitimacy, a large audience is essential, and in order to get it, terrorists rely on the media which cover their actions, because of the mere fact that they are generally indiscriminate when the target doesn’t bear a degree of responsibility, it is difficult not to condemn this violence, the media is the principal source of publicity of the "cause" yet its messages are open to misrepresentation.
Terrorists are so engaged in their cycle of indiscriminate violence that they can’t possibly switch this violence to "morally justifiable" targets without losing their large audience. Terrorist groups need not only to put pressure on government’s, but also to draw attention in order to turn passive sympathizers in to active ones. Concentrating only on symbolic targets would turn the general public’s interest away from their activities. A terrorist is dedicated to a "higher law", and has torn himself away from the bonds which tie him to the social order and to the cultivated world, with all its laws moralities and customs.
To conclude then terrorists cannot seek democratic justification if the only support they gain is through intimidation. The acts must be justifiable to an audience as being self defense against an illegitimate state.
Legitimacy
As Arblaster observes "Legitimacy; is or should be, quite central to the discussion of terrorism at both the empirical and moral levels. A precondition for the moral justification of violence or terrorism is that no other effective alternative exists. Terrorism may well be "politics by other means" but it does not give it a moral justification.Some may sympathize with a terrorist group’s aims and grievances, but few attempt to justify its actions. The lack of discriminating in targeting is a critical feature of terrorism; "no cause justifies the death of the innocent". Terrorists are so engaged in their cycle of indiscriminate violence against "soft targets", by controversial tactics and strategies, that they cannot switch to "morally justifiable" acts of violence and still be considered as a serious threat. When looked at selectively it may be justifiable. It is a form of politics eventhrough not a good one. It can be defensible when used by the powerless in a non-liberal society, and when it doesn’t cause more harm than its causes. Minorities with no peaceful effective means of protest can argue that violence in self-defense may create a fairer society. Even when this is so the terrorist has the potentially more difficult task of justifying not only the cause of violence, but also its effects. His/her main reason for seeking justification is propaganda, and in order to create a "guilt transfer" thus avoiding ethical considerations.
To gain support, a terrorist must justify to others to the greatest degree possible by explaining his right to deny another human being of a basic right. Professor Paul Wilkinson insists that moral aspects are irrelevant to the terrorist: "political terror, if it is waged consciously and deliberately, is implicitly prepared to sacrifice all moral and humanitarian considerations for the sake of same political end".
Sai baba— is he man or god?
by Dr. Gamini KarunanayakeMillions of people all over the world have acknowledged that Sai Baba has miraculous powers. But still a small minority of people refuse to believe the obvious and call him a magician. Several books have been written about him by eminent persons such as well known scientists and doctors. Recently an investigative report on psychic phenomenon associated with Sathya Sai Baba has been written by Professor Erlendur Haroldsson of the University of Iceland in his book Modern Miracles. Miracles have been performed time and again by great saints in the past.
When Lord Buddha attained enlightment and visited his father’s palace, the elders in the palace refuse to recognise and respect him. He then performed a miracle. He rose into the air and sat in the samadhi posture on a thousand petalled lotus. Everybody present including the king went down on their knees and saluted the Buddha. The Buddha then preached the dhamma to the gathering. Jesus Christ performed many mirales but everybody took serious notice when he resurrected Lazarus from the dead.
The great Indian yogis like Kriya Babaji, Sri Yuktesar and Lahiri Mahasaya have performed sevral miracles to enlighten their devotees. (see ‘’Autobiography of a Yogi’’.)
The miracles performed by Sai Baba have been well decumented. Let us consider some of their para-normal feats.
1. Creation of various objects from the air like holy ash, diamond necklaceses, wrist watches, medallions etc.
2. Teleporting of object fom one place to another.
3. Making his appearance at several places at the same time.
4. Curing of serious diseases like cancers in his devotees.
5. Protecting his devotees from accidents and serious harm.
6. Performing surgical operations by using surgical instruments plucked out from the air.
&. Resurrection of the dead.
It is on record that he has now brought back to life nine people who died and one of them is Charles Penn who has written several books on Sai Baba.
8. Baba knows the innermost thoughts of everyone - He is omnipresent.
Great Indian yogis in the past have also performed the above feats, but they have not performed the feat of ‘Creation of new life’ as done by Baba. In the presence of a yogi, Baba created a tiny monkey on his palm which grew upto adult size in a matter of minutes in the presence of the stunned yogi.
Scientific evidence is now available regarding Baba. American scientist Baronowski an expert on the study of Auras or Haloes around people has reported that Baba has an Aura which is not present in any human being. Using the Kirlian camera Baranowsky has photographed the auras of people. Ordinary people have an auras which extends to about six inches from the body. Saints have auras going upto two feet from the body.
The rays which are normally white in colour become red when a person is angry, and pink & blue when the person is emitting thoughts of love. Sai Baba’s aura was white, pink and blue in colour and there were silver and gold bands in the Halo. The extent of the aura was unbeliavable. The aura extended upto the horizon. The devotees at darshan were enveloped in the pink aura of Baba who was extending intense love towards his devotees. The devotees at darshan were absorbing the energy and love extended by Baba. That is why Baba advises devotees not to move or talk immediately after darshan, but remain still and silent and absorb the energy given out by him, as otherwise the energy would return to Baba. Dr Baronowski concludes by stating that sai Baba is a Divine person.
Dr. S. Bhagavanthan the nuclear physics advisor to the Indian government is a devotee of Sai Baba. He had taken a geologist to see Baba. The geoglist was told by Baba to pick up a granite stone. Baba blew into the stone which turned into a statue of Lord Krishna made of sugar candy. The geologist ate a piece of the statue and confirmed that the granite stone had become sugar. Baba asked the scientist ‘’Now, where is your science, can you explain the phenomenon’’?. Dr. Bhagavanthan states that Baba is beyond science.
Opinion of Yogis & Rishis: Several yogis & rishis practicing meditation in the mountains of Himlayas have been questioned about their opinion of Baba. Most of them were of the opinion that Sai Baba may be the present Avatar who has still not revealed himself to them. The yogis have been trying to test Baba by sending powerful rays at him. These powerful rays had caused a paralysis of Baba’s body for a short period. Baba says the rays would have caused death to ordinary people, but he decided to absorb the rays without reflecting them back to the yogis as etherwise the yogis would have had to bear serious consequences. The greatest of all the yogis is Kriya Babaji. He makes his appearence in the Himalayan mountains from time to time and is estimated to be 1800 years old. He has the body youth of 18 years of age, and he is expected to, live on till the end of this world cycle. Kriya Babaji has stated that Sai Baba is the present Avatar (God in human form).
Baba was asked about the difference between him and other great saints like Sri Aurobindo and Ramanamaharishi. He said ‘’they haven reached the godhead through intense meditation and penances. I have come from the God head and therefore I do not need to practise meditation.’’
The majority of people first come to Baba with worldly problems. Baba solves the problems and at the same time works a subtle change in the mentality of the persons concerned. Years later they realise that a vast transformation had occurred in them. People who have been arrogant selfcentred and intolerant, have become humble; selfless and kind personalities. Sai Baba’s ability to transform people is said to be his greatest miracle.
In certain instances Baba takes on the Bad Karma of his devotees so that the devotee does not have to bear the full effects of his kamma. He says ‘’I will help you to pay off your karmic debt in instalments’’.
Teachings: Sai Baba says that he has not come to teach anything new other than to confirm the eternal truths spoken by enlightened saints in the past. There is only one truth and there are several pathways or religions to teach that one Truth. Each one of us has to realise that we are not this mind and body. We have to liberate ourselves from the cycle of births and deaths and reach the goal of Liberation or Moksha or Kingdom Heaven or of Nirvana. Then only can one find real happiness or bliss of a permanent nature. All other states of existence are temporary, either in the Astral Heavens or in this phenomenal world. Baba says that happiness cannot be found in things of this world. We have to watch our thoughts words and actions, and see that we do not cause any harm to anybody. Baba says give up envy jelousy, anger, hatred, backbiting and falsehood, and develop love and compassion towards all beings. Service to humanity and chanting the name of God will help to erase bad karma and help in the path to Liberation. Baba advices his devotees to adopt a vegetarian diet for good spiritual, mental and physical health.
Message: Sometime ago Baba said that his life and the way he conducts himself is the message to his devotees. Now he says ‘’By your conduct, discipline and manner let people know me’’.
‘Collective identities’ and Tamil separatism
by Kamalika PierisThis article looks at the content in a recent publication. "Sri Lanka. Collective identities revisited" edited by Michael Roberts and published in 2 volumes by Marga Institute, 1977, 1998. We are told that the term ‘collective identities’ refers to ‘nationalisms’. This work contains highly variable selection, ranging from the nonsensical to the erudite. It contains articles on class formation, and one on gender stereotypes, but on the whole it follows a single theme: reducing Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism and elevating Tamil nationalism.
Vol. 1 of this work is devoted to studies on Sinhala Buddhism. There is one by Gananath Obeyesekere which begins, "The thesis of this paper is that, as far as Sri Lanka is concerned, being Buddhist is inseperable from being Sinhalese, which is Sri Lanka’s major ethnic group. Upto the sixteenth century, being a Sinhalese implied being a Buddhist" (Vol 1 p 355). The title of the article is "The vicissitudes of the Sinhala-Buddhist identity through time and change".
The rest of the articles consist of micro-analyses of the pre-independence Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist movement. This movement started in 1870 and faded out in the 1960s. This period of activity has now come under academic purview, in the natural course of events. It is now a compelling research topic, and several capable scholars such as K. Malalgoda, K. N. O. Dharmadasa and Sarath Amunugama have researched into the topic. Their work appears in this volume. Malalgoda has commented on religious concepts relating to Buddhism in the 19th century, Dharmadasa has written on the Sinhala Buddhist identity and the Nayakkar dynasty of the Kandyan Kingdom. Sarath Amunugama has analysed ‘Jayatissa saha Roslin" one of Piyadasa Sirisena’s novels, in terms of the new image of the Sinhala-Buddhist nationalist. Richard Fox Young has provided a very interesting examination of the life and work of Mohottivatte Gunananda, including his clash with the Theosophists. John D. Rogers has written up the story of the "Kalutara Bo Tree Affair, 1891-1897". Apparently Kalutara at this time had a Bo tree, with a shrine built beside it. The Assistant Government Agent wanted the shrine removed and the Bo tree cut down. The Buddhist revival had just started. There was fuss and opposition, an issue developed and London was consulted.
Volume I also contains a stylish article by the Vijaya Samaraweera on the Muslim Revivalist movement, 1880-1915. However, the bulk of the material in the total work is directed towards Tamil seperatist ideology and its results. Volume I carries an article on the Tamil-Hindu response to British rule. In the absence of a compact account of Tamil activity in the British times and after, this article contains some useful spot information. Vol 2 contains 15 articles. Of this, the last 8 articles, in succession, deal with the Tamil separatist ideology in some form or other. Some of the names are familiar: Pradeep Jaganathan, S. Arasaratnam, A. J. Wilson, Godfrey Gonatilleke.
Arasaratnam’s and Wilson’s articles are reprints from the 1979 work on collective identities. We could add to this, Michael Roberts essay in Volume I on sectional nationalism versus Ceylonese nationalism 1900-1940. This too discusses the development of Tamil separatism.
Sinhala Buddhism
The attitude to Tamil separatism is uncritical, supportive, even apologistic. The approach to ‘Sinhala-Buddhist’ nationalism is highly critical, even disparaging. Its negative aspects are highlighted, as in the predictable inclusion of a Piyadasa Sirisena novel. This dismissive approach can be found in the writings of the foreign contributors as well. Mick Moore has written an uninspired essay on the private sector in Sri Lanka, where he fails to tell us anything we did not know already. He is critical towards the land policies of British times, he refers to the ‘populist sentiments’ it represented, in consistently focussing on the fate of the Kandyan peasantry. (Vol. 2 p. 31) However he is critical of the discrimination shown to the Tamil estate labour, The fact that they were ‘indentured’ labour is not mentioned. (p. 39)Mark Whitaker has done research into the East Coast (Batticaloa) Tamils in the 1980s. He comments "I could see, of course, why Tamil people no longer felt that a regular political solution to their problems was possible. Thirty years of such attempts had merely spawned ever more vitriolic forms of Sinhalese nationalism. At the same time, I could also understand the queer sense of mingled inferiority and chauvinism that seemed to animate Sinhalese politics, the sense of frustration that close to 300 years of colonial domination had engendered. Still when I confronted Sinhalese claims, to me disturbing, that their command over all Sri Lanka was mandated by the Buddha, as laid down in their 6th century historical chronicle, the Mahavamsa (1934) or Tamil claims, to me equally strange, that freedom from the Sinhalese would allow a return to the glories of a sixteenth century Tamil kingdom... neither seemed to me politics of a sort with which I should get involved. It was all real but it could never be real to me". (p. 250 Vol. 2) Later on he suggests that the ‘proper response to loony Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism" cannot be ‘Loony tamil Hindu nationalism". (p.252) However we note that Whitaker had undertaken to do research in the East coast, at a time when the major issue there was Tamil separatist politics. Further his contribution to "Collecitive identities was an excerpt from an intellectual biography he is writing about Taraki. (Vol. 2 p. 247) The caution that immediately comes to mind, is that anthropologists, specially if they are utterly green, should consider carefully before they decide to research in aras where there is political controversy. On the other hand, one appreciates, that one aspect of the modus operandi of the Tamil seperatist movement is to encourage ‘anthropological research’ into the East Coast Tamils. The work under discussion has two such articles. Whitaker’s essay described above is one of them. The other is by Patricia Lawrence, "Grief on the body".
Political violence
Lawrence study is on the expression of grief and mourning in the Batticaloa District, where a culture of fear has developed due to the political violence. She comments "The prolonged struggle between the insurgent LTTE, fighting for the establishment of a separate state, and government security forces drawn from the Sinhalese majority population have forced ordinary Tamil minority families trapped in Batticaloa’s eastern coastal plain face violence and death...." (Vol. 2 p. 272) the value of this sort of utterance as propoganda is of course, quite obvious.The emphasis on Tamil separatist issues occurs in the editor’s preface, too. Roberts comments: that there should be a detailed study as to the connection between 1956, 1971 JVP insurgency and the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom. This in turn calls for more detailed studies of 1958 and 1977 ethnic riots. The 1977 riots have been neglected. The coverage of 1983 is not much better. The 1915 Muslim-Sinhala riots are better analysed, or rather more copiously analysed than the 1983 one. (Vol. 2 p. xii)
In the preface to the first volume, Roberts indicates some of the early work presented on the Tamil separatist position. The Ceylon Studies Seminar started in 1968 with a presentation by A. J. Wilson titled ‘Sinhalese-Tamil relationships and the problem of national integration". (P. xv) Thereafter, he records, that in 1973 the Ceylon Studies Seminar held an all day seminar in Colombo on "The Sinhala Tamil problem". The Peradeniya organisers were helped by Mark Cooray of the Law College, Godfrey Gunatilleke and others from Marga Institute, and Father Kenneth Fernando gave the church hall in Bullers Road for the meeting free of charge. (P. xvii) It is necessary to point out however that the Ceylon Studies Seminar has done some very good work in topics other than the ethnic issue, and so has the Marga Institute.
This work carries two highly personal introductions by the editor, Michael Roberts. These provide a very inadequate overview of social sciences, both in Europe and in Sri Lanka. It is sufficient here to discuss just two matters. Firstly, Roberts own approach which is presented at great length in both volumes. Roberts states that he is a "Sri Lankan nationalist" (Vol. 2 p. xix) but his work is supportive of Tamil separatist movement sentiments. In his book "People in between" he refers to "Sinhala fundamentalism". Robert’s rather lengthy description of his background and attitudes has nothing to do with "nationalism". It is an interesting case study of ‘marginalisation’. One of the major aspects of Tamil separatism is its attraction for certain marginalised groups in the country. My own view is that it is this which drives the Christian groups in their support for the movement.
The second matter which could be discussed is the question of research method. Roberts poses the question of objectivity in the social sciences. This is an issue which has already been examined in sociology. Weber commanted on the need to understand or comprehend (Verstahen) and Shils commented on a ‘value-free’ sociology. Roberts argues that in view of the limitations of the social sciences, an eclectic approach is preferable. As I shall show later, he has attempted to compensate for the limitations of objective analysis by providing material which is excessively subjective. Volume two of this work tries in all sincerity to extend the boundaries of analytical writing. It includes several works of pure fiction. It includes "A desultory conversation between two young aristocratic Ceylonese’ by Henry Candidus, published around 1849 in Colombo. It also contains an imaginary soliloquy of Dhanu, the woman LTTE suicide bomber, as she spends a restless night before she assassinates Rajiv Gandhi. This article is "Appointment with Gandhi" by Charles Sarvan. Author adds a note to the essay! "This essay must, repeat must, be read slowly" (p 357. Vol 2)
Sociology and literature
There is as clear demarcation between sociology as literature and literature as sociology. Literary works which describe sub-cultures are often used to illustrate a sociological interpretation. I once even referred to ‘West side story’ when stuck for an example! But social analysis is expected to confine itself to ‘social facts’ and not to dreams.Related to this is the emphasis on the views of ‘ordinary people’. This was never the exclusive preserve of the anthropologist. There is a long standing tradition of ‘social history; which looked at subordinate groups, such as women, slums and the peasantry. Roberts refers to the ‘under classes’. He draws attention to ‘peoples history’ or history from below. He introduces us to a new category of research known as ‘subaltern studies’. These attempt to look at a situation from the perspective differs radically from the dominant group. (Vol 1 p 10, 13) The argument that there are different perspectives of the same event, when looked at from different class viewpoints is old hat. It commenced as a formal study with Marxism, Fabianism. It is to be found in social history, and also in studies of deviant behviour, as such as juvenile delinquency.
Here is an account of subaltern studies taken from announcement for the Fifth subaltern studies conference of 1995. "Subaltern Studies has now made a significant intervention in contemporary historiographical practice focusing attention on hegemony and power, resistance and insurrection, from the perspective of non-elite segments of South Asian society. Part of the challenge has consisted in their critical readings of non-conventional social, cultural and literary texts to interrupt the authoritative representations of colonial discourse.
The conference envisages a multidisciplinary engagement that critically advances this perspective, by among other things, bringing hitherto peripheralized objects and practices within the purview of the conceptual terrain defined by Subaltern Studies. Papers drawing upon South Asian mterials and working through such themes as identity, gender, violence, ethnicity and communalism are solicited. Authors are encouraged to locate their discussions in the politics of the post-colonial present" (Counterpoint. Oct 1994 p 55)
The group of anthropologists working on various aspects of Sri Lanka which reflect Tamil separatist anxieties, are also engaged in developing some sort of new methodology and new perpsective on the examination of Sri Lankan phenomena. A sort of epistemological leap. This is based exclusively on western philosophy and western literary theory, regardless of whether or not it is relevant to contemporary Sri Lanka. One visible feature on this ‘school’ is its high dependency on one another. ‘Collective identities revisited" reflects this in the acknowledgements given at the end of its essays.
I give below excerpts from these acknowledgements. Due to space restrictions the excerpts are very selective, and I have preferred to mention names which have already come in my own articles. It must be kept in mind that names and institutions listed are intended to prove an academic point. No disparagment is intended, and none should be construed. I also give references to funding, as the Sri Lankan intelligentsia may be interested in that aspect as well.
Patricia Lawrence researching into bereavement in the Batticaloa District, acknowledges funding from SSRC-MacArthur Foundation Program on Peace and Security in a Changing World. Among others she thanks Michael Roberts, D. P. Sivaram, Jonathan Spencer, S. J. Tambiah, and Mark Whitaker. She cites Valentine Daniel and Gananath Obeysekera. (Vol 2 p 287) Mark Whitaker thanks Jonathan Spencer and Michael Roberts. (Vol 2 p 265) Pradeep Jaganathan states that he presented earlier versions of his paper on the 1983 riots to the International Workshop on July ‘83 at the International Centre of Ethnic Studies, Colombo.
Continued tomorrow
Planning of Roads for Cyclists
By Dr. Kolita Weerasekera,
(Senior Lecturer - Open University of Sri Lanka)If cycling to be considered as a major means of transport, the proper planning for the future and the necessary groundwork should be carried out in advance. Encouragement of cycling as a means of transport requires comprehensive planning and the development of complementary programs dealing with education, enforcement, engineering and encouragement so that people chose to cycle. In addition to cycling as a means of transport, it also can play an important part in recreation within the community. It contributes to the general health and well being of the people and is an excellent family activity for persons of all ages. Hence for cycling to be a safe and efficient means of transport and also attractive recreation activity the future roads should be designed with the cyclist in mind. When designing roads more favourable to cyclists, certain road design criteria should be followed; irrespective of designing new roads or carrying out a road rehabilitation projects.
Road Design Criteria for Cyclists
In this country most of the bicycle riding is done on roads which have been designed essentially to provide for the movement of motor vehicles. The vertical and horizontal alignment standard adopted on roads to serve the needs of motorists will normally be satisfactory for bicycle riding provided that the following operational aspects of cycling are understood by road planners and designers. When designing roads with the cyclists in mind should carefully consider the factors such as gradients, cross sections, road surface and cycle lanes etc.• Gradients
Motor vehicles have little difficulty climbing most hills, but bicycle riders prefer to avoid hills wherever possible. Cyclists normally select the flattest alternative route to minimise the amount of climbing. In climbing steep hills experienced cyclists work the bicycle from side to side whilst the inexperienced tend to wobble. In situations where a steep gradient is unavoidable additional pavement width may be provided to allow for this operating characteristic. Because excessive gradients on hills can be exhaustive to cyclists and act as a deterrent to bicycle riding road planners and designers should strive to minimise gradients on all new works including those in new constructions where it may be possible to achieve flatter grades on roads at no additional cost.• Cross Section
As some Bicycle Guideline states, on roads carrying less than 300 vehicles per hour, bicycle riders and motor vehicles can share the road space. However, where this volume is exceeded and where speeds are high, motor vehicles will constantly pass bicycle riders and hence the width of the left lane should be at least sufficient for cars and bicycles to travel safely side by side. This requirement applies equally along the road and at intersections.Proper guide lines should be followed, in determining appropriate lane widths to cater for motor vehicles and in assessing whether inner lanes can be narrowed and kerbside lanes widened to better provide for cyclists. In establishing the minimum width required for the inner lanes, traffic speeds, the number of large vehicles and the road alignment must be taken into account. In congested urban areas, 3.0 metres is generally accepted as the absolute minimum lane width at mid-block locations and 2.7 metres at intersections. In terms of the side "wind" force exerted on bicycle riders from heavy vehicles it is desirable that roads be designed to provide satisfactory clearances between the bicycle and the vehicle. Suitable clearances to vehicles are desirable in order that cyclists do not feel unduly threatened by general motor traffic. However, the inability to achieve these clearances should not prevent the provision of a facility having a lesser clearance.
A dangerous habit by the local cyclists, when riding in groups or pairs, the tendency to ride abreast has resulted in many nasty accidents with motorists. The risk involved in riding in abreast should be conveyed to the cyclists.
• Road Surface
Whilst it is not a factor in geometric design the quality of the road surface is critical to the comfort and safety of bicycle riders and to the satisfactory utilisation of the space provided. Pot holes, broken surfaces and other surface irregularities put cyclists at risk when they avoid them by swerving toward the adjacent motor traffic. Properly maintained road surfaces are necessary for the safety of cyclists. In preparing designs for bicycle facilities a smooth surface such as asphalt, concrete or a sand-seal surfaces can be adopted. Drainage grates, exposed man-hole lids and other carriageway furniture should be designed so as to remain flush with the road carriageway.• Traffic Lanes for Cyclists
Traffic lanes for cyclists should be viewed as part of a bicycle network providing the connectivity required to enhance the convenience and safety of journeys by bicycles. As per some guidelines, where the total traffic volume on a road is less than 300 vehicles per hour, bicycle and motor vehicles can share the available road space. Where the volume exceeds 300 vehicles per hour it is desirable that additional space be provided through one of the following treatments.Shared Bicycle/Car Parking Lanes
Installation of shared bicycle/car parking lanes provide a means of improving conditions for cyclists where parking occurs. Such a lane should enable a cyclist to ride with adequate clearance to moving vehicles in the adjacent traffic lane and also avoid an opening of a vehicle door without the cyclist having to enter the adjacent traffic lane. Collisions between cyclists and doors of parked cars can cause a significant number of bicycle accidents and may results in serious injury to cyclists, therefore measures should be taken to avoid this.Bicycle/car parking lanes are generally used where parallel parking is permitted but may also be used in conjunction with angle parking (although angle parking is rare in this country). Whilst an opening car door does not pose a threat to cyclists in the case of angle parking, cyclists have to be alert to vehicles reversing into, their path. It is most important in cases where parallel parking is being converted to angle parking that the needs of cyclists are given
Adequate consideration. The adjacent road lanes or manoeuvre area should be wide enough to satisfactorily accommodate cyclists.
A bicycle/car parking lane is created by carriageway markings, which allocates space for cycling and for car parking, and by signs which give the lane its legal status. Motor vehicles should be prohibited by regulations from travelling within the lane except to access property, to turn at intersections, or to park. Cyclists are required by law to travel in the lane. It is therefore important that the surface is smooth and well maintained including sweeping to remove debris. If the lane is not maintained cyclists are likely not to use it or to swerve suddenly out of the designated lane in order to avoid surface irregularities thus creating a hazardous situation. It is also very important the cyclists should be properly educated the importance of riding within the designated lane.
Bicycle/car parking lanes are only appropriate where road space and capacity requirements allow parking throughout the day or where the street is wide and there is a moderate demand for parking (e.g.. residents do not have off-street parking or vehicles parked for commercial purposes). They may be achieved by reducing the widths of other traffic lanes where space is available on existing roads. A shared bicycle/parking lane should not be provided where parking demand is low unless kerb extensions are built to prevent the use of the lane by through traffic.
Wide Kerbside Lanes
A wide kerbside lane is a normal traffic lane on the left side of the carriageway of sufficient width to allow cyclists to travel beside the main traffic stream and to permit motorists to overtake cyclists without having to effectively change lanes. This sharing of lanes is generally only appropriate in 60 km/in or more speed zones. Because special signs and pavement markings are not required, wide kerbside lanes are a very cost effective way of providing space for cyclists, particularly on arterial roads where there is limited space available to meet the requirements of all road users, and where clearways apply during peak hours. They are often readily achievable by replacing lane lines in a different location as a part of road marking maintenance operations and hence have potential for large scale usage. Wide kerbside lanes are appropriate on all major traffic routes, whether divided or undivided, on sections of road where parking is either minimal or prohibited during peak periods.Sealed Shoulders
This will be an appropriate treatment for most of the existing rural roads in the country where high proportion of cycling is taking place. When a road is unkerved and provision for cyclists is required, a smooth sealed shoulder is a preferred treatment. Sealed shoulders are often provided to reduce road edge maintenance and repair costs and improve safety for motorists, while benefiting the cyclists. Although warrants do not exist specifically for the provision of sealed shoulders for cyclists there are many instances on rural type roads where the sealing of shoulders is justified specifically to make roads safer for cycling.An edge line should always be marked between the shoulder and the traffic lane. Bicycle logos may be painted on the shoulder to warn motorists of the likely presence of cyclists and to suggest to cyclists that they should use the shoulder. If sufficient cyclist demand exists the shoulder may be marked and signed as an exclusive bicycle lane so that the shoulder takes on the legal significance of such a lane under the traffic regulations.
Some important aspects relating to the use of sealed shoulders by cyclists are:
• The surface should be at least as smooth as the adjacent traffic lane and free of debris or cyclists may choose to ride in the traffic lane rather than on the shoulder.
• Each section of sealed shoulder should continue over a significant distance, say 500 metres. It is undesirable to have intermittent short sections sealed with cyclists being "squeezed" at the end of each.
• Where a sealed shoulder is closed for maintenance adequate advance warning of the closure should be provided to cyclists. This is especially important on high speed rural roads. Consideration should be given to providing a temporary side track for cyclists or a detour via a reasonable alternative route.
• An initial treatment could be to provide shoulder sealing on vertical crests and tight horizontal curves of two-way roads where double lines prevent motorists from allowing satisfactory clearance to cyclists when overtaking.
• The edge of the shoulder pavement should be flush with the adjacent ground.
Exclusive Bicycle Lane
Although some may argue exclusive bicycle lanes may be too luxurious for this country, but when new roads are constructed (such as roads in Mahaweli Development areas where a considerable bicycle population can be expected) these lanes may be well justified. An exclusive bicycle lane is a lane created by pavement marking and signs. It is the preferred treatment where motor traffic speeds exceed 60 km/h. Motor traffic is prohibited by traffic regulations from travelling in the lane except to access property or to turn at intersections.An exclusive bicycle lane may be provided where parking is banned, where the demand for kerbside car parking is minimal or where the facility is mainly required in peak periods and parking is allowed in the off peak period. On high speed roads in rural or outer urban areas sealed shoulders may be utilised but should be appropriately surfaced for use by bicycles.
An exclusive bicycle lane may be appropriate where:
• Bicycle traffic is concentrated, e.g. near schools or along major routes near city or town centres.
• An existing or potential significant demand for bicycle travel can be demonstrated, ea. where present traffic volumes and speeds discourage cyclists from using an otherwise favourable route.
• It is needed to provide continuity of a route within a bikeway network.
• The road is carrying or is likely to carry more than 300 vehicles per hour and/or a significant percentage of heavy vehicles.
Other important aspects relating to exclusive bicycle lanes are that they:
• Should be provided on both sides of the road so that use is in the same direction as motor vehicle traffic.
• Should not be placed between the kerb and parked cars as there is no escape for cyclists should a car door be opened suddenly.
• Should only be used where there is little demand for parking throughout the day or where parking can be prohibited during certain designated hours to suit the peak travel demands of cyclists and motor vehicles (e.g.. clearway times, school journey hours). Action should be taken under traffic regulations against motorists who disregard parking prohibitions
Thus placing cyclists in conflict with moving motor traffic. When cyclist demand is mainly in peak periods and parking is required throughout the day the exclusive lane and adjacent traffic lane will provide enough width for the lane to act as a bicycle/parking lane,
• Should preferably not be delineated with raised pavement markers or raised barriers as these are hazardous to cyclists;
• Are of considerable advantage on long uphill grades where there is a higher speed differential between motor vehicles and cyclists and cyclists tend to weave about whilst working their way uphill.
• Are also advantageous on long downhill grades where extra room to manoeuvre is desirable.
• Because debris from the adjacent lanes tends to accumulate in exclusive bicycle lanes and they are not "swept" by motor traffic travelling in them, it is important that they are regularly swept as part of routine road maintenance.
The width adopted for exclusive bicycle lanes will vary depending on the number of cyclists, the speed of motor traffic, the volume of large vehicles and the ability to make space available given the needs of other road user groups, physical constraints and budgetary constraints.
Conclusion
Finally in conclusion, if significant numbers of people are to be encouraged to use bicycles instead of cars they need to be convinced that it is a reasonably safe, convenient, healthy and enjoyable way of travel. Further the cyclists need to get the feeling that they are personally secure and the roads are designed in such a way that they provide the necessary protection for the riders from the motorised vehicles.Personal security is related to many aspects of society in addition to those associated with engineering and planning, but these disciplines should also consider the personal security of cyclists in the design and maintenance of facilities. This may relate to the provision of adequate lighting, maintenance of landscaping along paths, direction signs and the provision of frequent exit points from off-road paths to the street system.
It is also very important the bicycles on the road should be properly equipped with accessories such as head-lights, reflectors for night visibility, brakes and good tyres for a safer cycling environment. Before concluding this article it should be stressed that proper rider discipline and behaviour are very important to create pleasant conditions to the cyclists as well as other road users in addition to well designed roads.
