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Communalism: the bane of Sri Lankan politics – Part III
The Chosen and the Rejected
By Gunaseela Vitanage

The British defeated the Dutch in 1797 and took over the administration of the maritime provinces in Sri Lanka which were under the Dutch.

These provinces were administered at first by the British East India Company. In 1798, the territory was declared a Crown Colony and came under the control of the Secretary of States for the Colonies. The Hon. Frederic North, who had functioned as the local secretary of the British East India Company, became the colony’s first Governor. In 1815, the territory that came within the Kingdom of Kandy was needed to the British by the Kandyan Chiefs under an agreement called the Kandyan Convention and thus the whole of Sri Lanka came under the British flag.

Article 5 of the Kandyan Convention is relevant in the discussion of the present subject. It reads as follows:

"The Religion of Boodooo professed by the Chiefs and the inhabitants of the Provinces is declared inviolable, and the Rites, Ministers and Places of Worship are to be maintained and protected."

During the first two or three decades the British were preoccupied, first with their intrigues with some of the Kandyan Chiefs, as to how to oust Sri Wickrema Rajasinha, the King of Kandy, who was a Tamil, and get one of them placed on the throne under the aegis of the British, secondly, with suppressing the rebellious Kandyans who did not take kindly to the new rulers, and thirdly, with the detail of the administration of the newly acquired territory. Owing to these problems the colonial rulers tended to neglect matters in to education relating and religion. The climate of opinion as regards religion also had radically changed in England, especially. The spirit of Rationalism was spreading there, especially among the educated.

The Rev. Fr. S. G. Perera, S. J., says in his History of Ceylon, the British Period:

"The Dutch had a system of schools maintained for purpose of spreading Christianity"... "There were about 163 Dutch schools (Governor) North attempted to revive this system. It was decided to propagate Christianity as the Dutch had done, but without compulsion...But the English schools disappeared and the Home Government refused the thousand five hundred pounds necessary to keep up the schools" (p. 82)

The Rev. Father goes on to say:

"The discontinuance of these schools meant the dwindling of Protestant Christianity among the people. At the beginning, the number of Dutch Christians was 342,000, in 1804 it fell to 240,000 in 1810 to 140,000, in 1814 to 130,000 and subsequently to 40,000. The indirect result of the disappearance of schools led to an agitation in England where the Ceylon Government was taken to task for ‘depriving 240,000 eager catechumens of all means of learning the truths of the Gospel" We are to save £1,500 by what is the moral and religious ruin of the island...

"But once the people realized that the English Government did not intend to proselytize by compulsion, the number of Christians went on decreasing, most of them relapsing to Buddhism or Hinduism or embracing Catholicism" (ibid, p,82)

As a result of this agitation. Lord Glenelg, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who was himself an evangelical greatly interested in the conversion of the ‘heathens’ wrote a despatch to the Rt. Hon. J. Stuart Mackenzie, Governor of Ceylon, on October 2, 1837 informing him among other things, that the "moral and religious education of the people of Ceylon was the most important subject to which his attention should be directed."

Lord Glenelg, of course, meant by moral and religious education, "Christian morals "and" Christian religious education".

This directive was repeated by Lord Glenelg’s successor, Lord Russell. In a despatch dated February 13, 1841 Russell informed Sir Colin Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. Stuart Mackenzies’s successor as the Governor, that" Lord Glenelg’s instructions relating to religious education should be treated as a definitive statement of Government policy on the question of conversion." He added that he had seen with regret" the little advance which is made at so great an expense in teaching the doctrines of Christianity and I beg to call your attention to this important subject" (Please see Professor K. M. de Silva’s Social Policy and Missionary Organizations in Ceylon, 1840-1855, pp, 29-39)

The British appear to have followed a two-pronged policy as regards matters pertaining to education and religion, a policy which appears to have been inspired by the Protestant Churches. We say this because the Churches actively and willingly co-operated and collaborated in this policy.

The first of this two-pronged policy was to use education to propagate and multiply the number of Protestant Christians, not by compulsion, coercion and persecution as the Portuguese and the Dutch had done, but by persuasion and discrimination and by alienating the natives from their ancestral relations. We have seen how even before the ink was dry in the Kandyan Convention, instruction was given to the Governors of Ceylon by the successive secretaries of the State for the colonies to "give moral and religious education to the people of Ceylon". We shall see later how the education of the children of the nation was handed over as a monopoly to the Protestant Christian Churches and how both parties used education to divide a people who were united and friendly for nearly twenty five centuries.

The second of this imperial two-pronged policy was to choose one or two minority groups in the country and "bring them up" by giving them highly favoured treatment especially in English education and Government employment. In fact, these two matters were linked. Trade, Commerce and Plantations were in the hands of the English and a working knowledge of English was necessary for those who sought employment in the private sector too.

At the very beginning itself, the colonial administrators selected the descendants of the Dutch and the Sinhalese and Tamils who had become Christians under Dutch rule and the "High caste" Tamils of the Jafffna Peninsula and gave them an English education to the exclusion of all other ethnic and religious groups, when that language was the language of the administration and of trade and commerce.

As a matter of fact, this dual policy was followed by the British not only in Sri Lanka, but in almost all the countries they had conquered in Asia and Africa. For example, the British educated the Madrassis and the Keralese in South India in English and Science and neglected the peoples in the states in North India. There, as a result of this discrimination, only the very rich could have afforded to give their children an academic or professional education.

Many of the leaders who fought for India’s Independence came from affluent families and very often were those educated in England. In Singapore, they neglected the indigenous people and imported Indian Tamils and Ceylon Tamils for clerical and other administrative work. To Malaya they imported Chinese from the mainland and Indians and gave them an English education, preferential treatment in employment and neglected the indigenous Malays. They like the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, became hewers of wood and drawers of water to privileged and elite Chinese and the Tamils. It was to rectify this grave iniquity and injustice done to the indigenous population by the British, that the Malaysian Government, soon after the country became independent, enacted a law which is designed to give preference to the indigenous Malays, in many fields. The British had imported Indian Tamils to Myanmar (Burma) and had brought them up by according preferential treatment to them. The Myanmar Government, as soon as the country became independent, sent them back on masse to India. Such instances can be multiplied.

Most of the conflicts and civil wars now going on in Asia and Africa could be traced to the "divide and rule" policy followed by the European Imperial powers from the middle of the 16th Century to the middle of the twentieth Century.

In Sri Lanka, English education and Government service were the means used by the British to "bring up" the Jaffna Tamils belong to the so-called high caste of Vellalas and the Protestant Christians and at the same time to "keep down" the vast majority of the people, nearly 95 per cent - comprising Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims. English had been made the language of the administration from the time the British occupied the maritime provinces in 1798 with the help the Burghers and natives who were competent in Dutch. In 1826 a regulation was made to the effect that those who aspired to the posts of superior headmen, namely Mudaliyars in the Low Country, Rate Mahatmayas in the Kandyan Provinces and Maniagars in the Northern Province should have a working knowledge of English. Those who wished to secure employment in the private sector also had to have a good knowledge of English. "But no provision was made to give the people at large and opportunity to acquire a knowledge of that language".

The Rev. Fr, S. G. Perera S. J, says in this connection in his History of Ceylon, the British Period:

"Thus in the race for English education, which was fast becoming a necessity the Catholics, Buddhist and Hindus lagged behind the Protestants for lack of Government support. In 1801 the Catholics had some schools, in 1831 there were 63, but all vernacular schools. Without assistance from the Government, the Catholic priests working in Ceylon who were Konkarni Brahmins of India subject to Portugal, were unable to set up English schools, and the Catholic community which outnumbered all other denominations of Christians put together, were deprived of the chief means of Government employment and influence, especially after 1826, when a regulation was passed that no headman should be appointed who did not read and write English. Similar was the fate of the Buddhist and Hindu communities who had only vernacular schools. There is no means of ascertaining the number of schools conducted by the non-Christians, though it is known that every temple, however small, was a school where children were taught to read and write their mother tongue. Thus the advent of the English set a premium on English education, which was beyond the means of Catholics, Buddhists, and Hindus: and all power and influence passed into the hands of the Protestant Ceylonese, educated in missionary schools" (pp. 115, 116)

The Rev. Fr. also says in the same book:

"When the country was making rapid strides in material progress, education received very little attention from the State. Educational work was mostly done by Protestant missionary bodies whose schools were so well organized that when the Government was made to realize its duty, it resorted to the expedient of aiding the missionary bodies by grants. Though this was an easy and economical method, it involved a most unsafe principle. The British Government had made English the language of the Courts, the Legislature, and of administration. Trade and Commerce, being in the hands of the English colonists and merchants, required a knowledge of English. (In 1826) On Colebrook’s recommendation, a knowledge of English was required from candidates for superior headmanships. But no provision was made to give the people at large an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of that language. Thus the bulk of the people of Ceylon, the Sinhalese, Tamil and a Muslims were as good as shut out from any participation in public life of their country. The Burghers and those who professed Protestant Christianity, were alone privileged. The state-aided Protestant schools gave them an advantage grossly out of proportion to their numbers, while the Buddhists, Hindus, Catholics and Muslims were debarred from learned professions, from public office and influence". (p. 143)

(Continued tomorrow)

Proportional representation and the government’s constitutional proposals
By Prof. J. N. O. Fernando

President Kumaratunga has on several occasions criticised the existing proportional representation system and expressed her desire to revert to the Westminster style "first past the post" system of elections. It is however worthwhile to remember that the bulk of Sri Lanka’s current problems (including the escalation of the ethnic crisis) and the erosion of democratic norms and traditions over the past 30 years arose principally due to Parliament having a two-third majority of government members during the period 1970 - 1977 and a five sixth majority during the period 1977 - 1988 completely out of proportion to the percentage of electors who respectively voted in favour of the Coalition in 1970 and the UNP in 1977.

It was these majorities obtained under the Westminster "first past the post" system of elections that enabled the First and Second Republican Constitutions to be enacted without taking into adequate consideration the rights, desires and aspirations of ethnic minorities and Opposition parties. It was possible for Mr. Amirthalingam leading a regional party with about 20 MPs and a relatively small percentage of votes to become Leader of the Opposition and parade as the alternate Prime Minister due to the Westminster first past the post system of elections. Does President Kumaratunga consider it just and proper that the coalition under her mother’s leadership was content to have in 1977 a mere eight members in Parliament and no leadership of the Opposition although over 30% of the entire country voted for the Coalition parties? Extension of the Parliament elected for 5 years in 1970 by 2 more years (without even a referendum) and the extension of The Parliament elected in 1977 for 12 years (with a referendum) were all possible because the respective governments had unfair and unrepresentative majorities in Parliament. It would be suicidal to go back to the Westminster first past the post system and run the possible risk of repeating the problems of the 1970-1988 period.

It is the Proportional Representation System that has now enabled the Sri Lankan Parliaments subsequently elected in 1989 and 1994 to be far more representative of the electorate. It is Proportional Representation that has made it necessary for the PA Government to put the Devolution Proposals before the Opposition parties and the people so that there could be greater discussion and consensus. It is due to Proportional Representation that the Second Republican Constitution of 1978 (which turned out to be a "periodical" with 16 amendments in 10 years) has not been amended at all from 1989 to date. Constitutional changes affect the whole fabric of society and therefore should not be possible unless there is considerable agreement amongst a very big majority of persons.

No Government elected with a simple majority (whether in terms of members of parliament or in terms of actual votes polled) should be permitted to amend a country’s Constitution at its sole will unless there is at least consensus with the opposition; otherwise the result would be anarchy and repeated amendments to the constitution, particularly when there is a change of Government. This should be avoided at all costs.

Proportional representation has also enabled voters to select a candidate from amongst several persons nominated by the political party of his choice; all such advantages will be lost if we abolish proportional representation and revert to a Westminster first past the post system.

It is however correct to state that Proportional Representation, as presently structured also has a number of deficiencies and infirmities. Let us therefore correct them in a suitable manner and I am sure that the Opposition will give the necessary support to the Government to make this possible. For example, bonus seats and cut-off points can be removed and the exorbitantly large extent of electoral districts (such as Colombo returning as many as 20 members) must be eliminated by ensuring that under the revised PR system no electoral district returns more than about four or five members of parliament. Such a change will reduce individual election costs to candidates as well as make the members more identifiable, responsible and accountable through a smaller electoral district. Improvements can also be made by giving only one preference to a voter but abolishing Proportional Representation, per se, would be a great tragedy.

It is however interesting to note that despite all the adverse comments made by the President as regards Proportional Representation, the Constitutional Proposals presented by the Government does not contemplate making any changes to the current basis of electing members of parliament. As far as I am aware, identical provisions of the Second Republican Constitution are reproduced in identical language with no changes announced.

Whatever changes were contemplated and announced by Prof. G. L. Peiris sometime ago appear to have been abandoned in the proposals before Parliament probably due to opposition within the Government’s own parliamentary group. If, in fact, the existing Proportional Representation provisions are not in the public interest, (as President Kumaratunge would make us believe) why has not the Government presented any pragmatic alternative proposals in its Government’s proposals ? The Government cannot afford to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds on such an important matter. The Government cannot blame President Jayawardena and his second Republican Constitution for it not having an adequate two thirds majority to push through the Constitutional proposals and the devolution package while preserving in toto the identical provisions in its own proposals.

A Social Science perspective on :
Persisting and emerging gaps in our healthcare system
by S. T. Hettige
Professor of Sociology
University of Colombo
Sri Lanka

The development of the health care system in Sri Lanka has been an integral part of the welfare state that came into being after the granting of self-rule to the country. The post-independence government policy of investing in the social sectors such as education and health contributed to the expansion of the publicly-funded health sector further in the 1960s and the 1970s. Given the state-led development strategy pursued by the regimes that came into power after 1956, private investment in all sectors including health were highly restricted making the state the leading player in the economy. Yet the deteriorating terms of trade, rapid population growth and growing demand for capital in all sectors did not permit the government to divert adequate funds into the health sector. Though relatively inexpensive PHC services became available throughout the country contributing to an impressive improvement in the general health status of the population, inadequate capital investment in such areas as HRD and curative care led to a shortage of skilled personnel and overcrowding in medical institutions, particularly in urban areas.

As I have discussed elsewhere, the regime that came to power in 1977 adopted a policy of economic liberalization. This policy has already had an impact on the health sector as well. While public investment in the sector has not increased rapidly over the last two decades, increasing investment of private capital in curative care has resulted in the development of a significant private health sector. Given the nature of the public health sector, private medical institutions and practices have not evolved independently of the former. In fact, an interesting relationship between the two has evolved giving rise to various issues. The expansion of the private health sector has not filled some of the long standing gaps in the health care system of the country. In fact, some of the gaps have been further widened over the years giving rise to new issues.

In this paper, an attempt is made to identity some of these gaps and explore ways of bridging them.

Public Healthcare System of Sri Lanka
Even though the country’s healthcare system comprises both Western and indigenous institutions and practitioners, the western system represents the dominant component in terms of public expenditure, number and range of institutions and programmes, in-patient and out-patient care, etc. So, in this paper, the focus is on the western system. In this section of the paper, an attempt is made to provide a brief account of the above system.

As mentioned earlier, until recently, publicly-funded medical institutions constituted the most widely available source of health care for the people in the country. Apart from a few small nursing homes in the capital city and major urban centers elsewhere, there existed no privately-funded health care institutions in the country. This forced people, including the well-to-do sections of the population, to rely almost entirely on public institutions. On the other hand, the public health sector also constituted the almost exclusive employer of medical practitioners. Given the relatively low salaries of public sector employees, the tendency among the latter for migration to other countries was strong often depriving the health institutions of much needed trained medical officers. The result was that the number of doctors did not increase in keeping with population growth. The out-patient departments (OPDs) at government hospitals where there was not an adequate number of doctors continued to be overcrowded. This is not surprising given the fact that most practitioners continued to reside and work in urban areas, away from the countryside where the vast majority of the country’s population resides. The situation has been particularly critical with respect to specialists who were highly concentrated in a few cities. All those who require their attention were forced to travel to these centres.

The impact of liberal economic policies adopted in the late 70s on the health sector has been significant. The changes can be classified into three areas.

i Growth of private institutions of curative care

ii Expansion of private consultation services

iii Expansion of private para-medical facities

As mentioned earlier, there existed a few private nursing homes in the cities providing residential care to the affluent patients. These institutions were not fully equipped hospitals and therefore, public hospitals remained the last resort even for affluent people. This situation changed dramatically after 1977 when the new policy environment coupled with the rapidly changing socio-economic conditions in the country facilitated the growth of private medical institutions. According to the latest data available, there are 118 private hospitals with 2,467 beds in the country. (Central Bank, 1997:67) Increasing incomes of a sizable segment of the population under liberal economic policies, overcrowding at public hospitals, permission given to the doctors employed in the public sector to engage in private practice after regular working hours and the state policy of encouraging private investment prepared the groundwork for the growth of private medical institutions.

Private hospitals mostly cater to the wealthiest segment of the population as regards residential care. The only exception is perhaps those salaried employees who are covered by private health insurance schemes which are still of a very limited scope in Sri Lanka. On the other hand, the outpatient departments of these private hospitals which offer specialist consultation services have become very popular even among low income groups. Unlike private residential care which is beyond the means of the vast majority of the population of the country, specialist consultation which costs a few hundred rupees at a time is within the reach of a majority of people. The result is that consultation rooms at some of these private hospitals have become as crowded as the OPDs of public hospitals. With the expansion of consultation services, private medical laboratory services have also expanded enormously. All laboratory tests ordered by physicians at these consultation services are usually conducted at the laboratories at the same institutions. Patients who get such tests done have to pay for them separately. The costs of these private consultations extends further when all the drugs prescribed by the consultants have to be purchased from private drug stores some of which are located in the private hospital premises themselves. The above situation can be contrasted with the services provided by public hospitals. There, almost all services are provided free of charge except when patients are compelled to purchase some drugs which are not readily available at the hospital. This is naturally very attractive to the poorer segments of the population. This situation encourages those living in the vicinity of public hospitals to visit the OPD even for insignificant ailments. This naturally results in overcrowding which in turn encourages those who can afford private consultation to keep away from public hospitals.

Expansion of Private Consultancy Services
As mentioned earlier, the doctors attached to public institutions were allowed to engage in private practice after normal working hours. This has helped private hospitals to employ more and more doctors on a part-time basis to provide both in-patient and out-patient care to an increasing number of patients. In fact, most of the doctors serving in these private institutions are, in fact regular employees of public institutions. This is particularly true for medical specialists. On the other hand, private medical clinics have emerged throughout the country, particularly in the urban areas. Many of these clinics are run by regular employees of public hospitals.

The expansion of private consultation has increased private spending on health care. This is particularly so due to the unorganized nature of patient care. As will be discussed later, the absence of a comprehensive Health Insurance Scheme and a proper referral system tied to an organized network of General Practitioners (GP’s) leads to inefficiencies, duplication and wastage of resources. The cost involved is borne largely by the individual patient.

The developments over the last two decades in the health sector have significant implications for health care financing. On the one hand, the expanding private sector has been able to derive its revenue from the private spending that patients incur to secure health care. As mentioned before, unlike in the past, private spending is not confined to the affluent stratum of the population. Poorer sections of the population also spend a considerable part of their income on health in the form of consultancy fees, laboratory expenses and purchase of expensive drugs. The poor, nevertheless, end up at the OPDs of the government hospitals or at a public clinic when they have no financial resources to visit private consultation services. On the other hand, they have absolutely no choice with respect of hospitalization. They have to go to the public hospital for residential care. As regards the affluent patients, today, they are in a position to secure almost all their health care needs from private sources, both consultation and residential care. In other words, the health care system of the country is by and large polarized on social class lines, the rich tilting towards the private sector and the poor dependent almost exclusively on the public sector. However, the private sector has also been able to mobilize an increasing share of private spending on health by non-affluent patients as well. Such private spending does not benefit the public sector which is dependent almost entirely on public financing.

The development of the private health sector has introduced greater choice to patients, particularly those belonging to higher income groups. But, the absence of a comprehensive health insurance scheme has prevented the extension of such choice to lower social strata. On the other hand, the development of the private sector has not helped bridge some of the gaps that have long existed in the health care system.

Major gaps in the health care system of Sri Lanka.
Public provision of health care continues to be a highly significant feature of the health care system of Sri Lanka. The comprehensive network of hospitals still provide most of the residential care available to patients. In spite of the fact that private consultation has increased rapidly in recent years, the OPDs of public hospitals continue to provide health care services to a large mass of people. The number of patients visiting OPDs has not declined in absolute numbers over the years in spite of the fact that the availability of private consultation facilities has increased over the years. Overcrowding at OPDs continues to be a major problem affecting the quality of care available to the poorer segments of the population. One reason for overcrowding at large public hospitals may be the presence of medical specialists there. Since such specialists are not available in smaller hospitals, it is natural for people to visit larger hospitals for consultation and treatment.

(Continued tomorrow)

Making wildlife pay for its own conservation
by Christy S. Wickremasinghe Divisional Game Ranger (Retd.) Department of Wildlife Conservation, Sri Lanka and Charles Santiapillai, Department of Zoology, University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka

Continued from yesterday

We suggest that some of the elephants that raid crops in agricultural areas be captured annually and domesticated and used in forestry, eco-tourism, agriculture, irrigation, construction, or sold to Buddhist temples or private individuals capable of looking after these animals. The revenue accruing from such operations must then be used to improve the livelihood of the poor. Only in this way can we change the attitude of local communities from intolerance to accommodation. The revenue from the sale of these captured elephants can then be used to build dispensaries, grinding mills, supply clean water, or even manufacture paper out of elephant dung! In the words of the one time Warden of Department of Wild Life, Dr C.W.Nicholas, "The ancestors of the Sinhalese, brought with them to a new and undeveloped land in which the wild elephant was found, their inherited skill in the domestication of the animal. And it may be surmised that they began from the earliest days of their advent to capture and tame the Ceylon elephant and employ it in the service of man".

Capture and use of elephants in the service of man is far more sensible than doing nothing and seeing them decimated by angry farmers and poachers. The human-elephant conflict in Sri Lanka is real and it seems to lead in just one direction: the destruction and eventual elimination of elephants, unless innovative measures are taken now, to address the concerns of farmers, and mitigate the problems faced by the rural poor. The capture of elephants from areas that were to be developed for agriculture was suggested by the senior author in 1964 and 1965. The Ex-President of the Wildlife and Nature Protection Society in Sri Lanka, Mr Thilo. Hoffmann too recognized in 1968, the need to capture, over a few decades, as many as 1,000 elephants or more from areas outside the protected reserves, and highlighted the fact that every elephant that was killed represented a great financial loss to the country, both in terms of local revenue as well as foreign exchange.

2. Ranching Wildlife
Game ranching is a form of farming wildlife, and it promotes the commercial use of wild populations. In Zimbabwe, according to Dr Graham Child, abandoning a protectionist philosophy and recognizing the economic properties of wildlife, has encouraged economic forces to reinforce the natural human

inclination to conserve wildlife. Many species of wildlife such as red and fallow deer, wild pigs, crocodiles, turtles, can be ranched successfully. In New Zealand, deer antler velvet is harvested for use in Chinese pharmaceutical industry. Wildlife ranching is a relatively new form of agriculture, and from a conservation point of view, ranching is by far the most desirable form of farming wildlife, as it depends on the supply of animals from the wild being maintained.

Crocodiles have been successfully ranched in Africa, South America and Australasia, often with eggs taken from the wild. This is not a drain on the populations since a certain number of hatchlings are released back into the wild, once they reach a size that would give them immunity from their predators. In Venezuela, hunting crocodilians on the floodplains of the Orinoco Basin is a big business. In 1982, the Government lifted a 10-year ban on hunting of the common caiman (Caiman crocodilus) with the view to promoting the sustainable utilization of the caiman by local people. Today, as many as 15,000 caimans are harvested for their hide and meat annually. In Western Queensland of Australia, kangaroos were shot as pests by rural Australians, since they competed with sheep for grazing lands. As it was illegal to sell kangaroo meat for human consumption, more than one million kilograms of kangaroo meat was left to rot in 1992. Today by creating a legal market for kangaroo meat, it is hoped that kangaroos will be seen as a source of income by farmers, encouraging them to reduce sheep numbers rather than kill kangaroos illegally. Turtles lay thousands of eggs during a nesting season. A substantial portion of these eggs is lost to predation and flooding. Therefore, if losses due to predation and flooding can be minimised, some of the eggs could be utilized by people, without jeopardising the survival of the turtles. The turtles, with their huge output of eggs, have all the ingredients for striking a balance between conservation and sustainable utilization.

3. Harvesting wildlife
Sustainable utilization of wildlife has been recognized by both IUCN (The World Conservation Union) and WWF (World Wide Fund for Nature ), and also by a number of responsible NGOs as one of the best ways of preserving wild species. The trick is to harvest a population at the same rate as it seeks to increase. Wildlife conservation is a complex issue which can evoke powerful emotions among people. In the final analysis, conservation is management - maintaining sustainable populations in healthy habitats. In the Dry Zone, there are many rocky areas which have very poor agricultural potential, even with the use of fertilizers. These areas are ideal habitats for deer, sambar and pig. Under proper management such areas could be made into economically productive and could also supply the protein needs of both the rural as well as the urban people. If shooting non-endangered game on permit is allowed within these areas, then it will generate additional revenue. Harvesting wildlife can therefore be sustainable. In one village in Zimbabwe, poaching on game animals has also been much reduced, because about 150-odd impala are culled officially every year, and the meat is sold at cost price to the villagers. Furthermore, placing an economic value on wildlife will promote its conservation. In the absence of economic incentives, no amount of legislation will ensure the survival of wildlife outside protected areas.

Conclusion
The idea of farming or ranching wildlife is a controversial issue in Sri Lanka. Many nature lovers who see only the aesthetic value of game, and animal rights activists oppose the idea of ranching. We are aware of their criticisms and recognize the fact that debates on this issue could be fractious. It is however easy for people in towns and cities who have their protein needs satisfied through beef, pork, mutton, chicken and fish to decry the utilization of game by villagers. But the future of Sri Lanka depends on a healthy peasantry and we feel that it is important that the protein needs of the Dry Zone villager be addressed. According to a recent UNICEF report, the highest degree of malnutrition among children under 5 years of age, prevails in the Dry Zone where people have been settled. One of the

chief causes of heart diseases in the village areas is malnutrition and lack of animal protein in the diet. Some of the rural poor live from hand to mouth, but the hand is at times empty and rarely well filled. It is scandalous that the poor are unable to consume enough food to meet even their basic needs. In any developing country, extreme inequalities in the distribution of income and assets are both a cause and a consequence of biodiversity loss. In 1984, the Department of National Parks and Wild Life Management in Zimbabwe started the Communal Areas Management Programme For Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE), whose aim was to help people in the communal areas to get the most out of natural resources, including trees, grazing, water and wildlife. Today, it is an outstanding success.

Total preservation of wildlife resources is a luxury many poor countries, including Sri Lanka cannot afford in the face of the legitimate aspirations of the poor for a better standard of living. Harvesting wild populations, whether on land or in sea, represents the only sustainable resource-use of consequence. But the acceptance and adoption of such a policy would require a change of attitude from large sections of the population. Development must be a process that ensures that people have access to basic needs. Their prosperity must therefore depend on the prudent exploitation of their forests, wildlife, fisheries and the limited areas of good agricultural soils. In the future the motivation for wildlife conservation will not be the interest and beauty of wildlife, but the fact that our own survival may depend on it. Wildlife must pay its way, if it is to survive outside designated conservation areas in Sri Lanka.

(Concluded)

Environment
A thorny ‘native invader’
by Jagath Gunawardana

The Pricky Pear Cactus (Opurtha dillenii) a native of the dry coastal zone of the Hambantota district has turned invasive during recent times, covering large extents of land and threatening to gain more ground in the future. Like other xerophytes, or plants that grow in arid places, it too can withstand long periods of heat and drought, dryness in the atmosphere and at the roots, soils with low nutrition and in addition can tolerate salinity as well.

This cactus shows several adaptations common to xerophytes. The root system is well-developed and spreads widely near the surface but does not penetrate far down the soil. The fleshy stem is flattened into leaf like structures known as cladodes which are green and does the function of leaves in addition to the storing of water. The greatly reduced leaves are reddish-green in colour and are shed before long and are replaced by thorns. In the Prick Pear, several long thin, sharp yellow or brownish-yellow thones are found at each leaf scar.

The large, five petalled flower is bright yellow and holds a large amount of nectar, drawing many insects and birds which help in pollination. The stumpy, fleshy fruit has short spires on the thick rind. The green fruit turns to a bright red when ripe and the pulp (the edible part) is mauve juicy and has a texture and taste similar to a ripe water melon. The edible pulp is relished by many animals helping the successful distribution of the cactus. The pulp is eaten by people and help quench thirst due to the large quantity of water in it. A cladode may possess up to 30 fruits and each fruit contains more than fifty seeds, which are small, hard and black in colour.

The Pricky Pear needs a loose, well-drained soil and exposure to direct sunlight for successful growth. The growth is less in hard, clay soils and in shady places. In waterlogged conditions, the root system perishes in a short time, resulting in the death of the plant. In shade the cladodes turn into a deep green, growth is reduced and plants become weak and spindly and flowering is reduced. If the shade is deep, plants become weak and topple over and seedlings die after a short, unsuccessful period of growth. The best subtrate for seeds is an exposed soil and large numbers of seedlings are seen in such places after the monsoonal rains.

A plant, once established branches off forming a thicket after a while. Cladodes that break off take root and become new plants. Seeds that fall nearby add more plants and soon becomes a thick clump. Other plants that are caught up in the middle soon dies, paving the way for the cactus to flourish without a competition. After a while, these thick, thorny clumps become impenetrable.

The thin, sharp spines cause deep, painful wounds and often the tip breaks off. If these are allowed to remain embedded in flesh, the wound becomes quite painful and soon fester. The spines are sharp and long enough to pierce the thick sole of a shoe or a slipper. No animal, including the elephants dare tread on these plants and give the clumps a wide berth in their wanderings. It is used by some to fence their gardens as these plants in a short time form an effective living barrier. This is particularly effective against stray cattle, which is a common menace to crops in these areas. However, many farmers resent this cactus, as it is very difficult to control or eradicate once established.

It is commonly found in the coastal areas of the Divisional Secretaries divisions of Tangalle, Ambalantota, Hambantota and Tissamaharama. It is found in large clumps on the coastal sand dunes of Hambantota and binds the sand effectively reducing wind erosion. It is found in the sanctuaries of Lunama-Kalametiya and Nimalawa and the Ruhuna (Yala) and Bundala National Parks. It has already become a problem in Bundala, taking over a considerable extent of land, preventing the growth of other plants and hindering the movement of animals. Several control measures have been proposed to tackle this plant.

It is not known what made this native of the area to an invasive plant. However, the characteristics of the Pricky Pear and the changes in its native habitats provide a clue to this sudden spread. In all the places where this cactus is spreading, the land lies exposed by the clearing of forest cover and shrubs as well as by degradation by overgrazing. It is on such exposed patches that cactus seedlings are seen mostly. Since the Pricky Pear cannot tolerate shade, they may have been kept at bay in land that has been covered by trees or even by a dense growth of shrubs.

The control and eradication of this plant is quite difficult due to the hardy nature. One method adopted successfully by farmers is burning. But if not thoroughly burnt, plants spring back to life in a short time. Cutting down or chopping is disastrous, as each part of a cladode may become another new plant helping it to spread further. Another method is to uproot the plants during the rainy season, pile them on top of each other and cover them with a thick layer of straw. These plants, being unable to tolerate wetness for long rot away and perish. But, the uprooting of these plants takes a lot of time and effort. The use of herbicides such as glyphosate is not advisable due to the prohibitive costs and adverse effects on other animals and plants.

Two biological control methods to control the Pricky Pears have been recently proposed. One is to introduce the cochineal insect that feed on the juices of the cactus plant. This insect was raised here in the past for the red dye it yield (known as cochineal, carmine and crimson lake). It was called the lac insect in Sri Lanka and this cottage industry has almost vanished.

But, the cochineal insect is not effective in the control of the spread of Pricky Pear. The other is to bring the Cactus Moth (Cactoblastus Spp) which was successful in eradicating a related species of Opuntia in Australia. But, this moth may destroy the cactus rather than controlling it and possibly attack other plants. Such introductions need a lot of research which cost a lot of time and money. This means that only the mechanical control methods may be feasible.

A quite similar species, Opuntia monocantha is seen in the Ampara District. The cladodes of this cactus are small and the flowers are smaller and darker yellow in colour. The identification of this is easy because it has short spines and each leaf scar has only a single spine. It is found far inland than Odilenii but was never observed to have turned invasive.

The Dhamma Theory as the Abhidhamma View of Reality
The first part of this article that appeared yesterday had not been bylined due to an error. This article by Y. karunadasa is from "Beyond the Metaphysics of Commonsense"

As the own-characteristic (salakkhana) represents the characteristic peculiar to each dhamma, the universal characteristics (samanna-la Khana) are the characteristics common to all the dhammas. If the former is individually predicable, the latter are universally predicable. Their difference goes still further. As the own-characteristic is another name for the dhamma, it represents a fact having an objective counterpart. It is not a product of mental construction (kappana), but an actual datum of objective existence and as such an ultimate datum of sense experience. On the other hand, what is called universal characteristic has no objective existence because it is a product of mental construction, the synthetic function of mind, and is superimposed on the ultimate data of empirical existence.

On this interpretation, the three characteristics of conditioned reality (sankhata-lakkhana) - namely, origination (uppada), cessation (vaya), and the alteration of that which exists (thitassa annathatta) -are universal characteristics (samanna-lakkhana). Because they have no objective reality they are not elevated to the status of dhammas. If they were to be so elevated, that would undermine the very foundation of the dhamma theory. If, for instance, origination (uppada), subsistence (thiti) and dissolution (bhanga) are postulated as real and discrete entities, then it would be necessary to postulate another set of secondary characteristics to account for their own origination, subsistence, and dissolution, thus resulting in an infinite regress (anavatthana). This is the significance of the commentarial observation: ‘It is not correct to assume that origination originates, decay decays, and cessation ceases because such an assumption leads to the fallacy of infinite regress. The difference between the particular characteristic and the universal characteristic is also shown in the way they become knowable (neyya), for while the particular characteristic is known as a datum of sense perception (paccakkha-nana), the universal characteristic is known through a process of inference (anumana- nana).

In what sense the dhammas represent the final limits into which empirical existence can be analysed is another question that drew the attention of the Theravada commentators. It is in answer to this that the term paramattha came to be used as another expression for dhamma. In its literal sense the term means "ultimate" or "absolute". Therefore its use has given rise to the criticism that the Abhidhamma has overstressed the reality of the dhammas. Does this imply that the dhammas are real and discrete entities existing in their own right? Such a conclusion, it appears to us, is not tenable. For if the dhammas are defined as real and ultimate, this means, not that they partake of the nature of absolute entities, but that they are not further reducible to any other reality, to some kind of substance which underlies them. That is to say, there is no ‘behind the scenes’ substance from which they emerge and to which they finally return. This means, in effect, that the dhammas represent the final limits of the Abhidhammic analysis of empirical existence. Hence this new definition does not erode the empirical foundation of the dhammn theory as presented by the Theravadins. Moreover, this view is quite consonant with the statement occurring in the earlier texts that the dhammas come to be without having been (ahutra sambhonti? and disappear without any residue (hutva pativenti).

The term paramattha is sometimes paraphrased as bhutatta (the actual). This is explained to mean that the dhammas are not non-existent like an illusion or mirage or like the soul (purisa) and primordial nature (pakati) of the non-Buddhist schools of thought. The evidence for their existence is not based either on conventions (sammuti) or on mere scriptural authority (anussava). On the contrary their very existence is vouchsafed by their own intrinsic nature. The very fact of their existence is the very mark of their reality. The kind of existence implied here is not past or future existence, but present actual and verifiable existence (samvijjamanata). This emphasis on their actuality in the present phase of time rules out any association with the Sarvastivadins’ theory of Sri-temporal existence. Thus, for the Theravadins,the use of the term paramattha does not carry any substantialist implications. It only means that the mental and material dhammas represent the utmost limits to which the analysis of empirical existence can be pushed.

The description of dhammas as paramattha means not only their objective existence (paramatthato vijjamanata) but also their cognizabiiity in an ultimate sense (paramatthato upalabbhamanata). The first refers to the fact that the dhammas obtain as the ultimate, irreducible data of empirical existence. The second refers to the fact that, as such, the content of our cognition can also be finally analysed into the self-same elements.

it is specially stated that even pannattis, i.e. concepts, which are the products of the synthetical function of the mind and hence lack objective counterparts are also knowable (neyya).

The relative position of the dhammas is another aspect of the subject that requires clarification. Do they harmoniously blend into a unity or do they divide themselves into a plurality? In this connection we may do well to examine two of their important characteristics. One is their actual inseparability (samsatthata avinibbhagata), the other their conditioned origination (sappaccayata).

The first refers to the fact that in a given instance of mind or matter, the elementary constituents (= dhammas) that enter into its composition are not actually separable one from another. They exist in a state of inseparable association forming, so to say, a homogeneous unity.

This idea is in consonance with an earlier tradition recorded in the early Buddhist discourses. For example, in the Mahavedalla Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya it is said that the three mental factors -sensation (vedana), perception (sanna), and consciouness (vinnana)- are blended (samsattha) so harmoniously that it is impossible to separate them from one another and thus establish their identity. The same idea finds expression in the Milindapanha. When Nagasena Thera is asked by King Milinda whether it is possible,in the case of mental factors that exist in harmonious combination (ekato bhavagata), to separate them out and establish a plurality as: ‘This is contact, and this sensation, and this mentation, and this perception,’ and so on, the Elder answers with a simile:

Suppose, O King, a man were to wade down into the sea, and taking some water in the palm of his hand, were to taste it with his tongue. Would he distinguish whether it were water from the Jumna, or from the Aciravati, or from the Mahi? More difficult than that, great king, is it to distinguish between the mental conditions which follow on the exercise of any one of the organs of sense, telling us that such is contact, and such sensation, and such idea, and such intention, and such thought.

In like manner, it is maintained, we should understand the position of the mental dhammas in relation to one another.

This situation is true of the material dhammas, too. In this connection the Atthasalini adds that the material dhammas, such as colour, taste, odour, and so on, cannot be separated from one another like particles of sand. The colour of the mango, for instance, cannot be physically separated from its taste or odour. They remain in inseparable association. This is what is called their positional inseparability (padesato avinibbhogata) and invariable co-existence (niyata-sahajata).

The foregoing observations should show that the mental as well as the material dhammas are not actually separable one from another. In the case of the mental dhammas, the term used is samsattha (conjoined); in the case of the material dhammas’ the term used is avinibbhoga (inseparable). This raises the question why the dhammas are presented as a plurality. The answer is that, although they are not actually separable, yet they are distinguishable (vibhagavanta) one from another. It is this distinguishability that serves as the foundation of the dhamma theory. Hence it is often mentioned in the Pali sub-commentaries that the real nature of the things that are distinguishable can be brought into focus only through analysis. This distinguishability is possible because although the dhanmmas are harmoniously blended (ekato bhagawata), they are cognized severally (gocarananattata) and are thus established as if they were separate entities. It is, however, maintained that material dhammas are much more easily distinguished than mental dhammas. Thus for instance the distinction between colour, odour, taste, tactation, etc., is easy even for an ordinary person to make, while to distinguish mental phenomena one from another is said to be the most difficult task of all.

The other characteristic which was referred to earlier is the conditioned origination (sappaccayata) of the dhammas. This is akin to the conception discussed above, for it also seeks to explain the nature of the dhammas from a synthetic point of view. In this connection five postulates are recognized as axiomatic, either implicitly or explicitly:

I. It is not empirically possible to identify an absolute original cause of the "dhammic" process. Such a metaphysical conception is not in accord with Buddhism’s empirical doctrine of causality, the purpose of which is not to explain how the world began but to describe the uninterrupted continuity of the samsaric process whose absolute beginning is not conceivable. In this connection it must also be remembered that as a system of philosophy the Abhidhamma is descriptive and not speculative.

II. Nothing arises without the appropriate conditions necessary for its origination. This rules out the theory of fortuitous origination (adhiccasamuppannavada), that things arise without causes and conditions (ahehthu-appaccaya).

III. Nothing arises from a single cause. This rules out theories of a single cause (ekakaranavada). Their rejection is of great significance, showing that the Abhidhammic view of existence rejects all monistic theories which seek to explain the origin of the world from a single cause, whether this single cause is conceived as a personal God or an impersonal Godhead. It also serves as a critique of those metaphysical theories which attempt to reduce the world of experience to an underlying transempirical principle.

IV. Nothing arises singly, as a solitary phenomenon. Thus on the basis of a single cause or on the basis of a plurality of causes a single effect does not arise. The invariable situation is that there is always a plurality of effects.

Rejecting the four views referred to above the Abhidhammic doctrine of conditionality states:

V. From a plurality of conditions a plurality of effects takes place. Applied to the dhamma theory, this means that a multiplicity of dhammas brings about a multiplicity of other dhammas.

One implication that follows from the conditionality of the dhammas as discussed so far is that they invariably arise as clusters. This is true of both mental and material dhammas. Hence it is that whenever consciousness (citta) arises, together with it there arise at least seven mental concomitants (cetasika), namely, contact (phassa), sensation (vedana), perception (sanna), volition (cetana), one- pointedness (ekaggata), psychic life (arupa-jivitindriya), and attention (manasikara). These seven are called universal mental factors (sabbacitta-sadharana) because they are invariably present even in the most minimal unit of consciousness. Thus a psychic instance can never occur with less than eight constituents, i.e. consciousness and its seven invariable concomitants. Their relation is one of necessary conascence (sahajata). We thus can see that even the smallest psychic unit or moment of consciousness turns to be a complex correlational system. In the same way, the smallest unit of matter, which is called the basic octad (suddhatthaka), is in the ultimate analysis a cluster of (eight) material elements, namely, the four primary elements - earth, water, fire, and air - and four of the secondaries, colour, odour, taste, and nutritive essence (oja). None of these eight material elements arise singly because they are necessarily conascent (niyata-sahajata) and positionally inseparable (padesato avinibbhoga). It will thus be seen that in the sphere of mind as well as in the domain of matter there are no solitary phenomena.

It is in the light of these observations that the question posed earlier as to whether the dhammas exhibit a unity or a plurality has to be discussed. The answer seems to veer towards both alternatives although it appears paradoxical to say so. In so far as the dhammas are distinguishable, one from another, to that extent they exhibit plurality. In so far as they are not actually separable, one from another, to that extent they exhibit unity. The reason for this situation is the methodological apparatus employed by the Abhidhammikas in explaining the nature of empirical existence. As mentioned earlier, this consists of both analysis (bheda) and synthesis (sangaha) . Analysis, when not supplemented by synthesis, leads to pluralism. Synthesis, when not supplemented by analysis, leads to monism. What one finds in the Abhidhamma is a combined use of both methods. This results in a philosophical vision which beautifully transcends the dialectical opposition between monism and pluralism.

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