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Men and matters
Goddam Saddam!
by KautilyaOver forty years in the pulp trade I still have a string of old-timers who pass on some tidbits that properly touched up skills picked up from my veterans, my teachers, can qualify for a place in a Sunday column. And so to Goddam Saddam, the most wanted man in Washington D.C, London and of course Jerusalem, Benjamin Netanyahu’s Jerusalem.
Talk to the man behind any GPO counter, the waiter in any popular restaurant or the bus conductor, and you’ll be amazed by the unreserved admiration for Saddam Hussein. And don’t for a moment think that it is prompted by an admiration and respect for the Prophet, and Islam. This, I suspect in most cases arises from confusing Iraq and Iran. Fair enough......but to associate Saddam with the Ayatollah Ruhallam Khomeini is as outrageous as talking of Trotsky and Stalin...not that there are any Stalinists and Trotskyists any more...except of Comrade Vasu, Wickremebahu etc.
But back to the different popular images of Saddam Hussein among our politicised students, not always from Colombo. Machismo is the explanation. That by the way is one area almost totally neglected by our 40-50 page Sunday papers. Two to three young reporters should be let loose to conduct what could be presented as what your "average" Sri Lankan reader thinks of Saddam Hussein, and Bill Clinton, once they have monopolised the news pages that week.
Bill, Saddam and dear Monica.....what a trio, what a story an imaginative, enterprising report to toss on the News Editor’s desk on a dull Saturday. Thanks to other media, TV most of all, news moves at such speed a smart journalist could always produce a story that the News Editor is certain to pick up.
Saddam is an Arab nationalist with socialist leanings. He is also proud, headstrong, adventurous. He makes mistakes. His biggest blunder was the long, meaningless,wasteful war he launched against the Ayatollah Khomeini’s Iran, home of the Islamic resurgence. The worldwide Islamic revolution started there.
So where would revolutionary Iran stand? At the United Nations a few months ago, President Mohammed Khatami said that Iran wants good relations with the outside world but denounced the "fantasy of a unipolar world dominated by the United States". Iran’s voice is heard in almost every mosque in the world. For Khatami as for the Chinese, "uni" is the first three words of the main threat to Iranian independence and Islam...UNI-ted States.
Mind you Khatami is the first Iranian leader to move away from the post-revolution characterisation of innocent Uncle Sam as ‘the Great Satan’, the smaller Satan was Lenin’s Russia.
How to cope with the global menace of terrorism? It has to be a concurrent search with social and economic justice.
Needless to add, the source of inspiration is the Koran, not Das Kapital whereas President Saddam is an Arab socialist or more strictly Baathist; Baathism is the Arab version of socialism. As usual, two schools contended, the Iraqi for instance and the Syrian.
Neither Arab nationalism nor indigenous socialism could possibly match the mobilisong power of Islam. Imam Khomeini’s first task (duty?) was to send two messages- one to the Shahenshah Aryamehr, the King of Kings, the Light of the Aryans and to the leader in the Kremlin; Mikhail Gorbachev, hardly the Commissar of Commissars. It was a polite reminder that the soft underbelly of Stalin’s USSR was Islamic....the Central Asian Republic joined the international community. And so, Islam spread itself from Indonesia to Central Europe, Tito’s socialist nonaligned Yugoslavia.
Vyamba elections and the peace lobby
By Nalin de SilvaIt appears that the government has decided to go ahead with the elections to the Vayamba provincial council. This decision is somewhat puzzling, as the government had earlier decided to postpone the elections to five other provincial councils. Then it was said that the security situation in the country was not conducive to the holding of elections. It was claimed that army and police personnel could not be withdrawn from the north for the purpose of providing security to officials, candidates and the voters during the elections.
It may be argued that the present "Rivbala" operations do not require as many soldiers as the operation "Jayasikuru" did and as such security could be provided at the forthcoming elections. However it is not a convincing explanation and many people would wonder why the government decided to change its position on elections.
On the postponement of the elections to the five provincial councils, President Chandrika Kumaratunga had said that she was against the decision but had to finally agree with the people who wanted to postpone the same. Instead of holding those five elections at least on a staggered basis, why did the government decide to conduct the elections to the Vayamba provincial council?
Vayamba is not the most favourable province for the PA. Even at the last general elections the PA won the Kurunegala and the Puttalam districts with a relatively small majority. The government could have held elections to some other provincial council, where the PA is stronger and then conducted the elections to the Vayamba provincial council.
The Vayamba provincial council elections were forced by the UNP and the government is now stuck with its decision. The PA will have to employ all the resources they have, to make sure that they win, as otherwise it will mark the beginning of the end for the government.
It is clear that the non-national and foreign forces have decided to ditch the government. The non-national lobby was instrumental in electing this government under the presidency of Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga. They had wanted the PA government to amend the constitution so as to incorporate the TULF proposals to Mr. Rajiv Gandhi, with slight modifications as displayed in the G. L. - Neelan political package. The non-national lobby had assumed that the Sinhala national forces, whose sympathy was with the SLFP, would keep quiet if the PA introduced the so-called political package. However their assumptions were proved to be wrong and the Sinhala national forces were able to defeat the package even without the support of the SLFP. The supporters of the package since their defeat have found consolation in dubious opinion polls.
As the PA cannot deliver the goods, namely the package, the non-national lobby has no need for the present government any longer. The non-national forces would prefer a UNP government to a SLFP or a PA government, in economic and other matters. In 1994, they backed the PA simply because they were of the opinion that a government under Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunga’s leadership would be able to get the package incorporated into the constitution. If not for the executive presidency, they would have by now brought this government down. The Tamil racist parties in particular are not at all happy with what is happening. The decision of the TULF to vote against the budget, demonstrates their current thinking on the inability of the government to get the package approved by the parliament.
It is against this background that the decision of the government to hold elections to the Vayamba provincial council has to be viewed. Who, within the ranks of the government, is responsible for the decision to hold the elections? Why should the government take a risk and conduct the elections to the Vayamba provincial council before the elections to the other five provincial councils are held?
Is the non-national lobby already working on the assumption that the days of the PA government are numbered? In the recent past many organisations and individuals have been working towards some kind of negotiations between the LTTE and the government. Some have talked of third party mediation while some were interested only in third party facilitation.
The Fox agreement was brought to the forefront again by the UNP itself. Fatchett’s visit, attempt by the big business community to move into politics in order to help to find a solution to the so-called ethnic problem, the ‘peace call’ of the Bishop of Mannar, the release of the captain of the ship ‘Irish Mona’ and several others, the attempt by the non-national lobby to give the impression that Prabhakaran had ‘declared peace’ by his so-called mahavir day speech, Mr. Jayantha Dhanapala’s effort to get some of the foreign embassies in Sri Lanka involved in ‘peace talks’, the TULF MP Mr. Joseph Pararajasingham’s call for negotiations, all point out in one direction only. 10. They try to create the impression that time is ripe for discussions with the LTTE. What do all these people mean by negotiations between the LTTE and the government? Do some of them think of a future UNP government when they talk of a government? It appears that some of these people are preparing the background for the UNP to engage in talks when they come to power. At present it is the UNP that is more interested in talks with the LTTE. The UNP keeps on mentioning that the Fox agreement has to be honoured and that the government should commence unconditional negotiations with the LTTE.
The irony is that the electorate is not concerned with these issues during the time of elections. The Sinhala people, who constitute the overwhelming majority in each of the districts, Kurunegala and Puttalam, will not consider any of these when they go to the polling booths on the twenty fifth of January. The unitary state, the federal state, the package, negotiations with the LTTE etc., will not be in their minds when they vote. Most of them would not have heard of Mr. Fatchett or the Alert organisation of Mr. Kumar Rupasinghe, that was instrumental in taking some of the MPs and others to various cities in Europe in order to give them a few lectures on conflict resolution among other things.
This does not mean that the Sinhala people are not concerned of the impending threats to the country. If they were not concerned, the PA government and the non-national forces including the NGO lobby could have easily got the package implemented. The sudu nelum, the thavalama, the various yathras, the peace weeks in schools, organised with public money as well as foreign funding have all failed. The government media, especially the electronic media could not convince the people that the package was the panacea for all the problems. Having failed in their propaganda the local NGOs and the non-national lobby have to satisfy themselves with opinion polls funded by foreign NGOs.
The Sinhala people, though concerned with the political threat posed by Tamil racism, which is being backed by the western powers, do not in general take that into consideration when they vote at elections. About sixty percent of them are divided along party lines and another twenty percent cast their vote on the immediate issues like jobs, cost of living etc. This constitutes the so-called floating vote. The balance twenty percent are, in general, not interested in electing any one of the parties or the groups.
Both the UNP and the PA (SLFP) take advantage of this fact to claim that at the elections the people have approved their policies. The NGO lobby also interprets the election results according to their advantage. For example, at the last general elections they claimed that the people had approved the policies of the PA, which wanted to give the package as a ‘kappan’ to Tamil racists.
Whoever wins at the Vayamba elections the NGOs will interpret the results as a victory for so-called peace, which in their vocabulary is a synonym for federalism. For example, if the UNP wins they will claim that the people have approved the Liam Fox agreement and unconditional negotiations with the LTTE, even though the vast majority of the people in Sath Korale would not know who this Fox is. The only fox their children would have heard of, in school, is definitely not that former British under secretary. On the other hand, if the PA wins the NGOs will not hesitate to claim that as a victory for the G. L. - Neelan package. So whoever loses the NGOs will survive after the elections and look forward to the next seminar on the theme ‘Vayamba for peace’.
Perspective
The case of the ‘Doormat snatcher’
by C. A. ChandrapremaAnybody who talks about the SINHALESE in any form; is a CHAUVINIST while anybody who talks of the Muslims or Tamils - is a minority rights activist. The attitude of the minority lobby is, don’t talk about yourselves. Just be what you are and we’ll do the rest. This "The-Sinhalese-should-not-talk-about-themselves" attitude was first propagated by the Tamil lobby and the Muslims also appear to have latched on to it albeit to a much lesser extent.
The idea behind this prohibition is that if the Sinhalese talk about themselves, after some time they may REFORM themselves. If the Sinhalese reform themselves who are the minorities going to laugh at? Who will they have to wipe their feet on? Who will they have to blame for every untoward thing that befalls them? Who will be the whipping boy? Therefore, don’t you dare talk about yourselves! Be what you are and make life congenial for us. That seems to be the general attitude of the elitist Tamil and Muslim lobbies.
But as a matter of fact, this attitude on the part of the minority communities is infantile. Even the most rabid separatists should realise that even a state of Eelam will not be able to exist in grand isolation - the ideal ethnic paradise. In fact even if Eelam becomes a reality, they will have to maintain an open door policy, like Singapore, like Sri lanka, like India,... like everybody else. Even if an Eelam is created, the Sinhalese will still exist, and many Tamils and Muslims will have to have contacts with the Sinhalese. So any reform of the Sinhalese will be to the advantage of the minorities as well. Why have a blob of poverty and backwardness in your midst? Take Sri Lanka as it is for instance. With the Sinhalese being backward, the minorities also have lost out.
The more money the Sinhalese have, the more business the enterprising Muslim and Tamil will have. Actually, the minorities should consider every rupee earned by a Sinhalese to be THEIR money as well. A rich Sinhalese should be considered a boon by the minorities, as employers, as clients, as customers. The formula is simple. No rich Sinhalese - No rich minorities. The poverty and backwardness and the helplessness of the majority will drag everybody down. Hell, it HAS dragged everybody down. Put in that fashion, it would sound perfectly logical. I once told a Muslim friend - The richer the Sinhalese - the richer the Muslim merchant. I found him telling me "How true! How true! Why did I not think of that before?"
In fact I myself got this idea from some writings of Lee Kuan Yew,... When Singapore was still within the Malaysian Federation, Lee was regarded as the leader of the minority Chinese centred in Singapore. As a minority leader, Lee had thrown his support WHOLEHEARTEDLY behind a proposal brought by the Malaysian government to accord certain economic privileges to the native Malaysians - Privileges that were NOT made available to the minorities. (It must be remembered in this context that when Sri Lanka became Independent, the constitution forbade any special privileges being extended to any specific community.) Lee did not carp an cavil at the fact that that the minorities were being given second class treatment - in the sense that the balance was tipped in favour of the majority... The reason why he supported the move on the part of the Malaysian government was because of the simple realisation that a rich Malay would also mean a rich Chinese, ..Now THAT was a leader! Is it any wonder that Lee, after being kicked out of the Malaysian Federation, was able to turn Singapore into a first world nation in just a generation?
In fact the dynamism of Singapore makes things happen even in its surroundings,...(Which is why even if an Eelam is created, the Eelem Tamils also should ensure that they are not neighboured by a blob of poverty and backwardness, a backward neighbour is not a nice thing to have in this era of economic integration. So even the most rabid separatist should welcome any attempt to rehabilitate the Sinhalese.)
But the minority leaders upto now have been bloody idiots. Not one of them is even fit to even polish Lee Kuan Yew’s shoes for him. The minority leaders upto now have concentrated on scoring points against the Sinhalese or trying to run them down and generally doing everything in their ability to upset the applecart. Maybe some of them thought the Sinhalese were beyond redemption and the best thing to do was to separate. One can’t wholly blame them if they thought that way. But they could have TRIED.
In this respect, while the minority leaders are themselves to blame, still, the main responsibility lies with the Sinhala leadership. They did not act in a way that would have enabled the minority leaders to have RESPECT for them. In other words, the Sinhalese failed in their LEADERSHIP role as the majority community.
Today, after fifty years, the minorities have gone to the other extreme. They use the Sinhalese as a doormat. Any attempt to shake these Sinhala b...rs into activity would be construed as an attempt to snatch their doormat from them. Which is why any attempt to talk of the Sinhalese is usually construed to be CHAUVINISM.
The passivity with which these so called bloody ‘intellectuals’ have submitted to this Tamil lobby imposed mind frame is yet another stark reminder of the fact that the Sinhalese have failed in their leadership role. This has got to be changed. Yes sir,.. somebody has got to take the initiative. The first thing is to show these Sinhala peasants that there is a problem.
Society DNA: A study indicates so but sceptics warn against reading too much into it
Is caste showing up in your genes?
by Subhadra MenonTHE HINDU CASTE SYSTEM is showing. On people’s genes, of all things. For the first time, a motley band of scientists has found that the caste system practiced for thousands of years among India’s Hindus is beginning to reveal its impact on modern DNA. Curiosity among scientists has always been high about whether traditional social patterns followed for centuries can show up in the twisted spirals of one’s DNA. A recently published study in the prestigious British journal Nature says yes. Not just that, the study has also found a genetic explanation for what sociologists have known for years: that women have been more upwardly mobile than men, marrying men of higher castes and moving up the social ladder.
In a collaborative effort, scientists from Andhra University (AU) in Visakhapatnam teamed up with American scientists seven years ago to collect blood samples from 2 5 0 individuals of a dozen different castes in Telugu speaking districts of north-eastern Andhra Pradesh. B. Bhaskara Rao, who teaches and researches anthropology at AU and Lynn B. Jorde and Michael Bamshad from the University of Utah in the US led six other scientists to figure out differences in the DNA of people from different castes. The Americans created a molecular genetics laboratory at AU and the rest is now global news.
The sceptics are calling their findings dangerous, sinister research. If the DNA of a Shudra is different from that of a Brahmin, social scientists worry that it won’t be long before concepts like "my DNA is better than yours" begin to take root. That would be misinterpreting such research. "Genetics does not differentiate between castes, these are purely human demarcations, " says Sher Ali, chief of molecular genetics at the National Institute of Immunology NII in Delhi. Yet, human impositions of caste could have brought change like mutations in the DNA of generations of a less fortunate family constantly buffeted by disease and poverty. With caste being a touchy subject, it might be important, like Ali says, "to look at such research in a healthy way".
To those who view it the "healthy" way, the research has been exciting. "Novel thinking" is what Partho Majumdar, a statistician with the human genome diversity unit of the Indian Statistical Institute, Calcutta, calls the study. "Given what we have always known about ethnography (the study of social groups), these predictions might hold good," says Majumdar. Working with blood groups and genes, researchers across the world have tried to track down differences between various Hindu castes. But most admit the Bamshad-Rao study is one of the first to actually show the impact of social roles on human DNA.
The study has also shown how Hindu women have managed greater social mobility than men. "Our data indicate that men tend to remain within the caste in which they were born," says Bamshad of the Eccles Institute of Human Genetics at Utah. With women marrying more often out of their own caste, there seems to have been a lot of movement of genetic material between different castes and probably between more closely related castes. The scientists have used this fact to suggest that it is this female mobility that has shown up in the spirals of people’s DNA. Bamshad is clear that these female genes moving upwards are what have stratified the Hindu caste system, at least in genetic terms.
But why Hindu castes? "Because the system has been long-standing, consistent and affecting a large section of people," explains Bamshad. Apparently, it is a hot favourite with anthropologists and geneticists worldwide, an ideal model for such studies. "Caste hierarchies do exist in other Asian populations but nowhere is the system so formalised and complex as in India," says Bamshad. After identifying their sample, the researchers went about their work. They picked up two kinds of DNA from each of the 2 50 men who formed their sample. One from the Y-chromosome—an exclusively male sex chromosome that a father passes on to his son. The other, from the mitochondrion, the human cell’s powerhouse which is the hub for respiration, is called mt DNA as it is solely passed on from a mother to her child. Gene kits were used to extract this DNA, which was then amplified and analysed. Markers were then used to read the secret language encoded in those twists of DNA.
THE analysis done, Rao and Bamshad found the results told an intriguing story. The genetic distance—an index they used to study DNA patterns— between lower and upper castes was nearly twice that between lower and middle castes. This is where they feel women have managed to play a role: marrying out of caste and spreading their DNA wide. Sociologists have said all along that even in the rule-ridden mating system where the 3,000-year old Hindu caste system has controlled marriages, women have managed to stay more mobile than men. They also found that men of castes close to each other on the social ladder showed similarities in mt DNA. Also, mt DNA of the highest caste, the Brahmins, had few similarities with lower caste DNA. But Rao is a cautious man: "Ours was a purely scientific study using markers and we now need to look beyond."
Caution is perhaps in order, with some people terming such research avoidable. But is it? Not really. "It has a direct bearing with assessing how susceptible specific ethnic groups are to certain diseases," Ali points out. He explains that some populations are more prone to specific genetic disorders and diseases and such research could help with its knowledge base.
Take the Parsis, for instance. In this inbred community of generally good-looking people, genetic anomalies are very common. They could do with sound, gene-based information that could be packaged into pre-marital counselling. In a country where arranged marriages are common, such information could make sense. Also, with science growing all the time, such research cannot be ignored.
"In the near future, when genome mapping comes up in a big way, these studies will come up more and more often," cautions Shiv Viswanathan of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi. Viswanathan believes the only way to look at such work is to clinically analyse it for scientific merit. He emphasises the need to get in place strong rules on the ethics of human genome research in the country. So, whatever the interpretations, it might be tough to wish away, stall or ban such research.
The Nature study has fanned a big debate centred on one question: is your caste imprinted in your genes? Majumdar is quick to dispel the uncomfortable thought. "That your caste could be in your genes is a total misinterpretation of this research," he says, adding that genetic structures of populations can correlate with social structures but that does not mean your genes and caste could go together. There are other caveats to the study and its conclusions though. For one, the sample size is really small: just 250 people.
"There is only so much you can deduce from a study of this size,’says Majumdar. If extended to larger sections of the population, he believes scientists will stumble upon lots of DNA patterns that show similarities. It is also a study that just looks at one small part of India though Bamshad adds, "We are keen to replicate the study in another part of India." More important, the study has found that genes reflect social patterns, but the reverse is certainly not true, that your social status could be nestling in your genes. That is why Viswanathan says "it is important not to get too excited about this study". He believes there are many more variables that can affect something as complicated as caste, which he thinks is anyway "cultural and political". Like Bamshad says, "the actual degree of difference between castes is very, very small".
Rao, meanwhile, is excited that his work adds to our knowledge of human evolution. But the real disclaimer comes from scientists and sociologists who think it should be treated as just what it is, a small pilot study. "Concepts such as superior and inferior DNA should be avoided," says Ali. Strong ethical rules, transparency in research techniques and caution are certainly in order. In the future there could be a scenario where genetics as a study becomes a partner of social sciences. So a bigger picture might soon emerge. Or not so soon.
Courtesy: India Today
Poya Day Debate - The Importance of English
By Colvin KarunaratneThe poya day is not just another day, but it is a day which has a special significance for the Buddhists and because of its importance, it has been declared a public holiday. Most of the temples organise poya day programmes for the devotees, which among other items include bana preaching, religious discussions, meditation, etc. The people visit temples and many of them, young and old both alike, observe ‘ata sil’, the eight precepts, and spend the day at temple premises. These religious observances had been followed by our people uninterruptedly since the time Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka by Arahat Mahinda. While these observances continue to activate in the temples, the television also has its own programmes for the day. They are very well presented, educative, informative and uniquely valuable for today’s world. The viewers owe a word of thanks both to the producers and sponsors of these programmes.
It was on last Unduwap full moon day, as usual, I got glued to the television early in the morning to watch the day’s religious programmes telecast over the Rupavahini and ITN channels. While I was switching from one channel to the other, I got attracted by the discussion that was going on over the Rupavahini. Among the panelists were three Buddhists priests and a single layman, one Prof. Rohanadheera.
The discussion, though mainly centered on Buddhism, dragged on to other controversial subjects, which prompted me to write this letter. When it was gradually drawing closer to a satisfactory end, Gangodawila Sumana Thero, who needs no introduction, made a valiant effort to put his point across on the importance of learning English and the need to give an English education to the Sinhala children.
His argument was that the majority of the children of other communities have a fair knowledge of English and, therefore, they have a distinct advantage over the Sinhala children, particularly with regard to job prospects, personal and economic development, etc. He further adduced, in support, that even Japanese, Chinese, Russians, have acknowledged the recognition given to English as a universal language and those countries have accepted, in toto, the importance of learning English in this increasingly interdependent and ever globalizing world. The communication has become a vital aspect of our day to day affairs and English undoubtedly is the catalyst for its development.
The learned priest cautioned those who advocate Sinhala only policy to refrain from sticking on to ideologies and personal convictions, but to look at the problem analytically and with an open mind for the greater good of the Sinhala people. The Most venerable priest, who has gained popularity for his forthright analysis and candid opinion, very rightly cited as an example, that all those people, including the senior Parliamentarians and academics and the Professor himself, would not have been that fortunate to hold such top positions, if not for the knowledge of English they have acquired and frequently used as a weapon to suppress the others who have little knowledge of the language.
The Professor, who appears to have cut a figure as an ardent supporter of the Sinhala only policy, lost his cool at that stage, and looking annoyed and agitated, quite authoritatively put forward a silly and an absurd argument to support his stand on the issue. His argument was that English should not be given any preference over the Sinhala language because the people living in Colombo do not speak in Sinhala and that they do not have any regard to the Sinhala culture and traditions. It is true that there are a handful of families, particularly in Colombo who have forgotten their roots and behave like ‘kalu suddas,’ but majority of the Sinhala community speak in their own language at their homes, and are conscious about their culture and traditions, though many of them are conversant in English as well. After all, no one can dispute their right to speak in whatever language they wish as freedom of expression is enshrined in our constitution. Even in the remote villages, the people have realized the value of the English language and the demand for learning the language is rapidly gaining ground. His fear was that any weightage given to the English language would create another elitist class similar to the one which mercilessly tyrannized and subjugated the innocent Sinhala people during the colonial days.
The Sinhala people en masse should be ever grateful to our late Prime Minister Bandaranaike for making Sinhala the official language of the country. The language policy then adopted, no doubt, made it possible for the villagers who received their education in the Sinhala medium to get into the mainstream of the country’s activities. That rectified the injustice caused to them by their own people, the so called ‘Kalu Suddas’. It would also have been possible to avert the prevailing ethnic problem, if only our late Prime Minister was allowed to bring in legislation simultaneously to give the Tamil language similar status. Sadly, it was not so and the whole country is paying for it today.
The educationalists and policy makers at the national level should be held responsible for the damage that has been done to the children by rigidly sticking on to the Sinhala only policy. While all facilities for teaching of English as a second language have been made available to all big schools in Colombo, the village schools stand discriminated and neglected. As a direct result of this unwise and foolish approach of our policy makers, the majority of the Sinhala children from the villages who have achieved distinction in various disciplines, have found themselves unwanted, subjugated and subordinated by the much favoured English educated lot. This brings us to mind the adage originated in the South, and rolled around the country during the second JVP insurrection in the latter part of 1980s "Colombata kiri, apata kakiri."
Going back to the days when Sri Lanka was nearly going through a reign of terror, when all schools and universities remained closed indefinitely for years, the affluent people, businessmen, academics and so on, managed to send their children, who were then awaiting admissions to universities, abroad for further education, while those from poor families were left behind to go through the agony. It took three to four years for the universities to clear the backlog and to grant admissions to those thousands of students who were wait-listed. Those who had the opportunity to go abroad and succeeded in obtaining a degree or diploma in the English medium from some unknown University or College of Higher Studies abroad were able to gain employment immediately after their return to Sri Lanka. They were in an advantageous position because of their English knowledge. The unfortunate ones, the poor students who had to wait seven to ten years to complete the University courses and probably, except those who completed medical degrees, would be doing some menial job or still hunting for suitable openings. The language was the biggest hurdle for them to seek job opportunities in the private sector.
However much the Professor disagrees, English is a must for all our children in the context of the technological evolution followed by "globalism", or in the correct perspective, "the borderless world" now in place. It is indeed a great crime for senior citizens of this country, whether politicians, administrators, academics, to mislead the innocent children and deprive them of the wide range of opportunities open to them in this modern world. Let us take the initiative and guide our children, especially those who live in rural areas, on the proper path, forgetting petty issues.
As much as the children of the affluent class belonging to all communities are provided with every opportunity to learn foreign languages and acquire high positions in the society, the poor children from remote areas of this country should also be provided with similar opportunities. The affluent parents have the benefit of either getting their children admitted to the so called "big schools" in Colombo and in other cities, or the international schools, which have grown up like mushrooms in every nook and corner. The latter schools cater to a certain class and one would observe that the students attending such schools are very different, in all aspects, to their counterparts attending government schools. Since the medium of instructions in these "luxury" schools is English and they conduct classes for London examinations, the students of such schools benefit from various facilities provided for them to improve their language skills, which are hardly found in the government schools. Many of the other private schools, both boys and girls schools, conduct classes for London GCE Ordinary and Advanced Level examinations, and they encourage the students to join such classes knowing that with London qualifications they would have better prospects in getting employment either in the public or private sector, compared to employment avenues available for those who come out of the government schools and universities.
The reality is that the students produced by these luxury educational institutions, and those who return to Sri Lanka with a diploma or degree obtained abroad, will occupy all the top seats, both in the public and the private sector, as employers would prefer them to those with local qualifications. The private sector has already given a start to this policy, which the universities too seemed to have followed.
If the learned Professor does not like the poor, rural children of our country to suffer because of the faults in our educational system and the lapses on the part of the policy makers at national level, it is not too late for him, without hanging on to his personal conviction, to build up a consensus among the people and persuade the authorities to provide the necessary facilities to every rural and urban school to enable the children to acquire the required knowledge of English, good enough to compete with those of the international and private schools. I don’t think the parents would like their children to be subordinated to the "luxury" class produced by the latter schools. It would only bring us back to the colonial days and we would be ever repentant for having achieved zero benefit after the independence.
