      |
|
 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Wayamba violence and party politics
Call for a national movement to restore democracy
By Nalin de SilvaThe PA has officially won the Wayamba provincial council elections. If the PA had lost in Vayamba it would have been the beginning of the end ofthe government. However it is still the beginning of the end of the government, even if it takes a little longer time. The PA will be forced to engage in more and more "bheeshanaya" in order to survive, which unfortunately for them is going to be counterproductive.
The opposition naturally claims that the elections were marred by violence and that the official results announced by the commissioner of elections and his officers do not reflect the true public opinion. There will be election petitions filed by the opposition parties and the judiciary will give its verdict in due course. However, in the meantime the government will claim that the people have approved their policies so much so that they have been able to capture power in the Vayamba provincial council from the UNP.
As I have said in "Vayamba Elections and the Peace Lobby" on the 23rd of December 1998, the PA had to win this election at all costs for the survival of the government. The PA had won the Vayamba at the general elections with a comparatively small majority and the question had to be asked whether they had been ill advised to hold the Vayamba provincial council elections having postponed elections to five other provincial councils in some of which the PA had a better standing.
Having decided to hold the elections to the Vayamba provincial council the PA had to make sure that they won by any means. Now the government may have learnt a lesson, unless it had not thought about it even before the elections, and would be thinking of having elections to one provincial council at a time, as all the state power can be concentrated in one province then. One wonders whether the government would conduct elections to the other five provincial councils on a staggered basis.
Some are of the opinion that the PA would not have won the elections to the Vayamba provincial council, if not for the violence. The violence unleashed in the Vayamba has been unprecedented in certain ways. During the election campaign women have been stripped and then asked to walk along the roads, the children of rival candidates have been forced to eat cow dung. At least two people have been killed as a result of violence associated with the elections.
On the election day itself many incidents have been reported and the opposition parties had rejected the official results even before counting was started. This is unprecedented though the violence is not entirely unprecedented. Polling agents of the opposition parties have been chased away from the polling booths and the voters in a number of villages have been intimidated and prevented from casting their votes. The commissioner of elections is not empowered by the law to consider requests and appeals by the political parties and to declare the elections null and void though the results announced by him and his returning officers do not seem to have any validity in the eyes of many people.
However, according to some sources, the commissioner has cancelled the polls at about 35 polling stations, due to corruption and malpractice. But now the results have been announced and it is not possible to have fresh elections at these particular booths. There should be some mechanism provided by the law to prevent the commissioner of elections going ahead with counting before the supreme court gives a provisional order to do so, if we are going to continue with the present system of elections to the various bodies.
Many people have commented on the violence associated with the elections to the Vayamba provincial council. There were appeals from various quarters requesting the public and the political parties to refrain from resorting to violence. The monitoring bodies would have done their "job" in the field and most probably are in the process of writing their final report to be submitted to the appointing authorities. Some have already issued their interim reports and have held press conferences.
In spite of the appeals from various bodies and individuals violence could not be stopped. In our society, violence in general and political violence in particular has been increasing in recent times. The sociologists would love to call it a sociological problem, even though they do not have solutions to the problem. One of the major differences in what are known as the hard sciences and the social sciences is around finding solutions to the problems. In the so-called hard sciences once a problem is analysed and diagnosed, in general a solution or remedy is also sought. On many occasions solutions are found, sometimes after long periods of study. These solutions are temporary in character and very often the problem as well as the solution are replaced with a different set. Also these solutions are only working solutions in the sense that there is some kind of consistency between the problem and the solution.
However, in the social sciences no solutions are offered to many of the so-called sociological problems. Even in the case when a solution is offered very often it turns out to be impracticable and not something that could be implemented. The social scientists may offer many excuses as to why their solutions cannot be implemented. For example they may blame the politicians. But the problem cannot be evaded by blaming somebody else who happens to be associated with the problem. The solution to the problem should either incorporate a method to reform the politicians or it should offer a scheme that could be implemented without the politicians, as politicians being a sociological category constitute part of the problem.
What is the solution that the sociologists can offer to eradicate political violence in our society? If there is no solution can they at least show that political violence cannot be eradicated in societies like ours? What is the type of society in which political violence can be eliminated? Is it the communist society of Marx? How stable is such a society even if it can be created?
Are the sociologists capable only of describing and not of prescribing? The post modernists appear to have grasped this problem as they are mainly interested in criticism and not in offering solutions. However, that does not mean that in the west, where most of the knowledge is created, the politicians and the others are not giving any thought to solving their problems. Post modernism appears to be a system of knowledge created by the west not for their consumption but for exportation to the other cultures.
Be that as it may, in Sri Lanka some sociologists have a standard answer to the problem of violence. Blame the Sinhala Buddhists for the violence in the society. Following the London based sociologist Dr. Bruce Kafra one can even construct a theory to claim that political violence is due to the paintings of the "yamapallas" that the Sinhala Buddhists see on the walls of some of the temples. I wonder what would happen if a "yamapalla" comes across such sociologists.
Leaving aside the "yamapallas" and the sociologists to themselves one could easily observe that violence has in general increased from one election to the next. Contrary to what many people think there has been political violence even during the state council days. There has been thuggery, corruption and cheating from the very beginning in 1931. The Marxists who were at the receiving end then would testify to this. Both the UNP and the JVP who now cry foul have themselves violated the rights of the people to a free poll. Some of the incidents that occurred on Monday are not unfamiliar to the Sri Lankan voters irrespective of whether they are Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim.
In recent times the political party with the state power has resorted to thuggery and violence using the state machinery during elections. The JVP, though they did not have the state power, ordered the people at gunpoint not cast their votes and at certain places did not hesitate to shoot at people who went to the polling booths. The LTTE has only been more ruthless. However, these are not excuses for the PA or some other party to resort to violence especially during the elections.
It has to be pointed out that many of the critics of the PA today were among its most ardent supporters during the 1994 elections. They turned away from the PA sometime ago when they realised that the political package was not on. At present these people may be against violence and abuse of power, but their motive seems to be something else. They are now turning towards the UNP to devolve more and more power to the east and the north paving the way for a separate state. If they were against abuse of state power they should have protested earlier against the abuse of state media by the government to promote the package. However, they were the most prominent in the programmes that "took the package to the people".
It is said that the English has given us cricket and parliamentary democracy. Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan have already become world champions in one day cricket and Bangladesh has won the ICC trophy. But it is clear that the parliamentary "democracy" and party politics have not been successful in this part of the world. Probably this has something to do with the South Asian culture in general and has to be studied in depth. The violence during elections has increased in Sri Lanka and it appears that we are on the verge of reaching the limit. We are at a loss in coming to grips with the right of the people to vote at elections, the concept of national policies, the concept of a political party, the role of the opposition, the use and abuse of state and official power etc. Party politics have only helped to divide us more and more.
We have been debating on the executive presidential system and the Westminster system without realising that both systems based on party politics are unsuitable to this country. Party politics has been the bane of our national politics and it is high time we replaced it with some other system. On many accounts this is the ideal time to establish a national movement in which most of the problems we face could be discussed and evolve a "democratic system" more suitable to the country. It has to be emphasised that the national movement should not be another political party nor a so-called third force.
The Culture Scene
Where can one see an authentic ‘vannama’
by BherundaWhere can I buy a ticket to see an authentic Vannama performed? This was a question that strayed into my mind while watching a performance of dance called "Kadambari" presented by The Temple of Fine Arts at the BMICH on the 8th January under the distinguished presence of Ms. Sunetra Bandaranaike. It was in Sri Lanka "with the encouraging support" of our High Commission in Malaysia, obviously Lionel and Somalatha Fernando behind it all.
‘Kadambari’ is a Sanskrit word meaning ‘A Garland of Fragrant Flowers’ and was indeed an apt title for an offering in which each item represented a flower strung together by a single thread. Bherunda will not go to town on the show but he will certainly say it was a pleasant experience of artistic fare excellently presented by a team of expertly trained professionals. He does not regret having sat through the evening. The occasion was well-attended too by a large Hindu audience and sadly missed by my Sinhala fellowmen who were probably put off by parochial circumscribings.
The thread that strung the ‘blossoms’ together was their unmistakable "Indianness". The main fare consisted of adaptations of traditional Indian dances, and their essential "Indianness" was what enabled the dances to surmount the distractions of the superfluous technological tricks of artificial smoke and painted backdrops. And this indigenous flavour was what was visibly lacking in the items presented by a local artist at the same recital that evening. An adaptation of the Gajaga Vannama was performed by Channa Wijewardhana’s bevy of gauze - clad girlies whose leaps and gambols on the stage would certainly not have been to the taste of the Hindu audiences used to the delightful Sabdams, Vannams and Tillana of the dignified and disciplined art of Bharata Natyam, whatever the rapturous responses they may have collected in London or New York or even the Lionel Wendt. Bherunda’s eagerness (natural I should think for any patriotic citizen) to see something of our own stand equal to the Indian fare presented, was frustrated.
Bherunda has no quarrel with innovation, nor with exposure to Western influences. As a matter of fact, I recall with nostalgic delight the Gajaga Vannama I have seen performed with majesty by Mme Vajira over thirty years ago and I am sure it is an innovation on its traditional prototype. The Vannamas have originally been musical lyrics composed by Sinhala poets inspired by which the traditional dancers innovated their dances for them. There is no eroticism in the Gajaga Vannama: It is true that only prudes will object to eroticism in art but eroticism in the wrong place is dirt. And I could see nothing in the erotic poses and pirouettings of Channa’s danseusses suggestive of the kingly gait of the Dalada Gajaga. The elephant I saw was the one from the zoo circus, bereft of its royalty:
This experience was the point of departure for my random thoughts on the Sinhala Dance which fill my column today. The answer to the question of my title is "Nowhere". That is actually to understate the situation. In fact, there is no place where any citizen patriotically or aesthetically interested, can go to witness any kind of authentic Sinhala dance.
The ironic truth is that the Sinhala dance tradition is the oldest art tradition of the country and is a rich treasury of a vast variety of fascinating, nay entrancing dances. The ritualistic Kankariya of the Kandyan hills, the exorcist Yakum and Sanni of the Ruhuna, the secular Vannams, Udekki, Pantheru the folk Likeli and Kalagedi all of which have their variations in the Sabaragamuva tradition as well, all go to form the splendid array.
PRE-INDEPENDENCE SITUATION
Gradually bereft of its hereditary patronage, these traditional dances began dying a lingering death in colonial times. The circumstances which sustained them yielded to the inevitable conditions of modernization, urbanization, commercialization, secularization and democratization. The caste- communities which produced the professionals disentegrated because of the erosion of the caste-system under the impact of democracy and the consequent mobility of labour, however desirable the liberating forces of democracy may be. The superstitions and religious beliefs which supported the rituals and ceremonies gave way before science medicine and education. The aristocratic patrons shifted their interest to the Plranters Clubs. The impoverishment of the viharas under the Colonial Christian State simultaneously impoverished the dance and their practitioners. The elite, gradually anglicizing knew nothing of their existence.POST-INDEPENDENCE
The culture-consciousness which accompanied post- Independence Lanka and climaxed in the S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike resurgence no doubt initiated certain measures intended to rescue this languishing art. The "Ves", of course, had been guaranteed survival by being grafted to the Dalada Perehera. The initiative of educationists like D. B. Kapukotuwa and J. E. Sederaman led to the introduction of dancing to the schools and the establishment of the School of Dance with Panibharata as Principal. It has finally evolved into a Dept. of the Institute of Aesthetic Studies enjoying University Status.The Dept. of Cultural Affairs which came into being in 1956 sponsored and aided a network of Kalayatanas throughout the island, their latest number (1998) being 1137. The practice of giving them an annual grant was initiated by the Dept. of Culture. The Ministry of Cultural Affairs established a State Dance Ensemble in the 70’s and the Youth Council has followed with one of their own.
Numerous private schools of dance have sprung up in the metropolis and the outstation cities, teaching students, mainly females, the few who go up to "arangetrams" going no further, Private dance Ensembles also have come into being whose troupes are either performing abroad or in tourist hotels.
A CLOSER LOOK
This is the state of the art at first glance. A closer examination will demonstrate the inefficacy, of the measures taken to stem the floods of change from sweeping away the whole repertoire of the traditional Sinhala dance (I refer to the authentic). The remedy may be worse than the malady for the reason that it lulls us into complacency. Take for instance the dancing taught in the schools. In most of them, the teaching conditions are inadequate but, given the best, the system only produces teachers who will produce teachers in turn ad infinitum. At any rate, the objective of teaching dancing in the schools is to produce rasikas who can appreciate and enjoy the art once they go out into life but what, in fact, happens to them when they go out to society and find no opportunity to witness a dance? It is even doubtful whether the secondary objective of discovering exceptional talent is achieved because before they qualify for University or professional training they have dropped out.The Kalayatanas should have been the professional schools where the talent discovered in the secondary schools are siphoned to receive their training. But the paltry grant and the meagre fees received are insufficient to make them efficacious in that function, and therefore a fair number of them exist only as name boards under which student from day schools are collected to qualify for the state grant at inspections. In the 1970s, the Kalayatanas were expected to perform at Inter-Kalayatana competitions which provided an opportunity for the public to see some of the regional dance forms, but apparently this condition has lapsed. (It is heartening to learn that the Minister of Cultural Affairs has appointed a Committee consisting of Shesha Palihakkara, Jayanta Aravinda and Jayasena Kottegoda to do a survey of the Kalayatanas and we hope the Report will be published for public perusal).
Last but not least is the Dance Panel of the Arts Council, which among the State machinery set up to care for the arts, is the summit institution in charge of the Dances of Sri Lanka. At one time it had an antiquarian interest and collected the traditional dance music and song but except for an adventurous attempt last year to display some experiments in innovation by young talent, which indeed is a salutary thing, we see no attempt to have a macroplan for the macro problems that the dance art faces today. So far the Dance Panel has failed to realize that it is the singular body equipped (and empowered) to supply a policy and a plan not only for the Central Government’s Ministry of Culture but also for its counterparts in the Provincial Councils who seem to be no more awake to the needs of the traditional dance than the mother institution.
The main reason for the failure of the Institutions State and Private, to meet the situation has been their failure to realize that the dance is a congregational art to be woven into the life of the nation, without which neither the dance nor the Nation can develop mutually. The first step in this direction would be to organize opportunities for the people of this country to see their traditional dances. For instance, Peraheras, which have been traditionally associated with the dances may be exploited. It is strange that diases do not exist for the performance of dancing during the Esala Peraheras while tourist galleries are built at great expense. Strangely our enterprises lack imagination.
INNOVATION
The second step is Innovation. Innovation exists as a necessity by its own right but it has also been thought of as one of the means of making the dance art a part of community life, of the two ways of innovation, innovation ex nihilio and innovation from the tradition, the latter has been already popular with our dancers. One of the first to innovate was the Old Master, the late Nittawela Gunaya who invented the Samanala Vanna. In fact, the Vanamas by their very nature offer a great deal of scope for innovation within the tradition and so we have the Turanga Vannama and the Mayura Vannama as it is danced today. I first saw the newly created Gajaga Vannama danced by Mme. Vajira in Chitrasena’s Nirtangali in the ’60s.Chitrasena in fact has been in the forefront of innovation. His has been the most sophisticated attempt to create within the tradition and the earliest self-conscious attempt to bring the art into the life of the modern audiences has been his. The Chitrasena-Vajira Dance Festivals were a regular artistic entertainment from the fifties until after 1977 after which the dastardly demolition of the Chitrasena Studio by the forces of commercialism proved a severe setback to this activity and a severe blow to the dissemination of the refined dance art in the country. One cannot go without remarking on the fact that the Nation stood watching the destruction of this epicentre of the revival of the Sinhala dance, insensitive to what was happening. Despite appeals by the sensitive public, the state put up its hands in helplessness.
Premakumar and Vasanta Kumar who also appeared in the scene as innovators experimenting in Ballet a la Uday Shankars Labour Versus Machinery. They probably and quite rightly, believed that the dancer must leave the temple Shrine and join in the stream of social life.
Thus Prema Kumar’s Titta Bata and Vasanta Kumar’s Kumburu Panata. Despite the success of Chitrasena’s Karadiya ballet - experimentation fissled out. Attempts by Basil Mihiripenna have not registered. At the last State Ballet Festival organised by the Arts Councils Ballet Panel headed by Shesha Palihakkara there was hardly an audience.
THE CHALLENGE
What is the cause of the malaise? It is simplistic to say that the Television keeps off the potential audiences. There is already a reading-made audience in the vast masses to whom the tradition is a domestic thing. The pains Perahera crowds go through to see the Ves Dancers, despite its more frequent appearance, indicates the enthusiasm these common folk have for the audience. Besides what happens to the large number of rasikas turned out from the dance - classes in our schools and the Kalayatanas? How is it that Hindu audiences flock to an occasion like Kadambari despite Television? The Universities Depts of Fine Arts have a research task here.So have the talented young men who have followed in the wake of Chitrasena. They have hitherto innovated for the tastes of metropolitan audiences. They have flown their ensembles abroad obviously for more reasons than to keep the home fires burning. The challenge is before them.
The challenge is also before the Institute of Aesthetic Studies whose head is the young and energetic Dr. Mudiyanse Dissanayaka, a scholar who is also a creative dancer.
But above all the challenge is before the State. I recall that at one time a Deputy Director of the Colombo National Museum had a proposal to have regular or seasonal performances of the ritual dances in its open air stage as a conservation of the living culture. Why is it not possible to pursue this idea with the State Dance Ensemble building a repertoire of ritual dances. Let us hope the challenge will be taken.
Cat’s Eye
Violent ideology and violent practiceModern feminism since its emergence in the 1960s has always been linked to movements related to peace and non violence. Today we are faced with a new reality- women becoming members of the military in increasing numbers and women activists calling out for war-related agendas. They are- as in Hitler’s Germany- the ‘Mothers in the Fatherland’. The LTTE women’s wing is one such phenomenon that has been analysed in these columns. Now we have women (and men) in the South involved in movements calling for total war and setting out a clear fascistic agenda challenging all tenets of democratic government and human rights, and going against international covenants signed by Sri Lanka.
Collective Punishment
Recently there have even been calls for the notion of collective responsibility and collective punishment that if a member of a family is involved in terrorist activities the family would be held responsible. Such views are very clear- if an act of violence takes place, hold the family responsible and after that the community, regardless of the fact that family members may not be involved in the movement or may even be against it. Given the fact that family members have different points of view, this call for collective punishment is a throw back to the medieval age where whole villages were razed to the ground. This policy is followed in Israel against Palestinian villages. It also brings back memories of the early years of Sri Lanka’s war where the military after an ambush, lashed out at the civilian population. This has changed today and the army has become more disciplined though excesses still occur. But extremist organizations seem unaware of the Geneva Conventions, and are trying to destroy a century of international humanitarian law.Pass Laws?
In addition to collective punishment, there are those who call for special ID cards and passes to be issued to Tamils of Sri Lankan origin. This would of course ensure that there are two classes of citizens in the country- the Sinhalese and the Tamils. It is reminiscent of the South African Pass Laws where after awhile, people with certain kinds of IDs could not enter specific areas of the city. Luckily they have not asked Tamils to have some symbol on their garments like the Polish Jews who had to wear the star of David on their coats during the Nazi holocaust. We may add that no democratic society has such passes. Only racist, totalitarian societies resort to such mechanisms and it is extraordinary that fifty years after independence, we still have groups suggesting such draconian measures.Vigilantes
There have also been calls for the total mobilisation of society obliterating the distinction between civil society and the security forces- again the hallmark of totalitarian societies. There are calls for committee against terrorism to be established in all state institutions, private enterprises, workplaces and educational institutions, in towns and villages and for the setting up of citizen paramilitary vigilantes. Getting people to spy on their neighbours and their colleagues reminds one of the Nazi youth groups and the infamous Red Guards of Mao Tsestung.If people are guilty of terrorism they should be subject to the due process of law and there should be safeguards against mob tyranny and vindictive and prejudiced civilian action. Only professional armies and trained policemen should be involved in intelligence and defence activities. Militarising civil society cannot be the answer for war waged by a democratic society. Militarisation in such a large scale would destroy the fabric of society as was the situation in the late 1980s in Sri Lanka. People will be suspicious and polarised and civil life as we know it will disappear.
Propaganda
Benedict Anderson in his well-known book Imagined Communities argues that the psychological bases for nationalist propaganda are the educational system and the media. Today there are some in Sri Lanka who put forward the idea that people should also be taught "correct history" whether in school or in the army camps. They also claim that the media should portray the war in a positive light so that people are filled with a desire to be mobilised. The battlefield should be glorified even if people are being killed by the thousands. Propaganda not truth becomes the main goal - a very dangerous act of self delusion that has been the downfall of many a dictator.Once those who propogate a total psychological war decide that propaganda is more important than truth, then realistic assertion become impossible and the nation becomes caught up in a web of lies. Article 2 of the International Civil and Political Covenant states that any propaganda for war shall be prohibited by law. The article further calls for the prohibition of incitement to racial hatred that constitutes incitement to hostility, discrimination or violence. The inability of some to see the nuances of the ethnic conflict and their determination to see everything in black and white shows that they are out of touch with the reality in the war torn areas where survival and not the romance of war takes the upper hand.
Smear campaigns
"Traitor" is a very important word in the vocabulary of many extreme nationalists. For totalitarian regimes, it is the central theme leading to the death of thousands punished for the most minor of offences. The wide range of people who are labelled traitors range from NGOs, the Sudu Nelum movement and the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs to well-known historians, archaeologists and other intellectuals who are smeared as "Tiger sympathisers" who need to be "punished". The particular hatred for NGOs is extremely interesting. First and foremost all these extreme organisations are themselves NGOs with funds from a variety of sources. In addition, it should be noted that transparency is a two-way street. All democratic forces in the country and abroad would surely like to know who are the people who are funding these ultra-nationalists,The Real Traitors
The agenda advocated by authoritarian advocates of war raises further questions about Sri Lanka’s ethnic war. On the one hand it is a conflict that is concerned about the rights of minorities, and a sharing of power between the centre and the periphery. But it is also an ideological struggle between democracy and totalitarianism. We have a peace coalition in this country, but now, more importantly, we need an anti-fascist alliance that cuts across the ethnic divide and takes to task the fascistic ideologies of both Sinhala and Tamil nationalism which are two sides of the same coin. They are the real traitors especially at a time when we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They reject constitutional values relating to tolerance, equality and respect for human dignity which are the very fundamentals of our political and legal order. They are espousing an ideology of hatred, confrontation and violence which can only lead to the destruction of all human values.Violent Practice and Women
Last week, we expressed our grave concern about the mounting violence in the North Western Province during the Provincial Council election campaign. We have been particularly heartened since then to see the active role played by women’s organisations to condemn this violence as well as participate in the election monitoring process.The Sri Lanka Women’s NGO Forum, which is the largest grouping of women’s organisations in the country, strongly condemned the physical attacks against and intimidation of women involved in the election campaign either as candidates or party activists. "Verbal and physical intimidation of women", they noted in their statement, "is totally unacceptable and deplorable and is an indictment on Sri Lankan society in general." Such practices are also "serious obstacles to the participation of women in politics and should be condemned outright." They further noted that targeting women entering the field of politics is a violation of the principles enshrined in the Constitution of the Government of Sri Lanka, the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) - to which Sri Lanka is a signatory - and the Women’s Charter of Sri Lanka. The NGO Forum called upon "all those responsible for upholding and safeguarding democracy and democratic principles including all contesting political parties and candidates to take immediate steps to stop incidents of violence which are seriously threatening the holding of free and fair elections in the country." They also called upon "all contesting parties and candidates and supporters to ensure that no incidents of violence against women will be committed during and after elections."
Sexual violence
The Sinhala Kanthabivurdi Sanvidanaya (SKS) also issued a statement condemning the incident in which the president of an opposition party branch officer at Bamunukotowa was allegedly stripped at gunpoint and forced to parade on the road. Such a gross incidence of violence against a woman, they noted, "is an insult against all women in this country. A feminist organisation based in the Kurunegala district has also been conducting an independent inquiry into this incident. This organisation has also called attention to the fact that other forms of sexual violence have been taking place in the context of election violence and intimidation. A case in point, they note, is the gang rape of a young woman (unconnected to any party) which was committed by a group of thugs who had been brought in to help in the on-going election campaign.The Women’s NGO Forum as well as the Women’s Coalition for Peace published striking advertisements in Sinhala and Tamil newspapers which sought to convey messages against violence.
It looks as if there are long struggle ahead to combat violence in theory and practice.
The return of Perumal
By D. B. S. JeyarajOnce upon a time (1988 to 90) there existed in Trincomalee a "democratic" institution known as the North - Eastern Provincial council. The numero uno or chief minister of this body was a man called Annamalai Varadaraja Perumal . Dressed in a little brief authority for a short period Varadaraja Perumal " succeeded " as no other politician on either side of the Elephant pass had ever done before. He was perhaps the only "leader" who was hated vehemently by both sides of the ethnic divide.
That was the time of the Indian Peace Keeping Force was fighting the LTTE in the north-east and the viceregal Indian envoy Jyotindranath Dixit was ruling the Colombo roost. Perumal as he is generally known was perceived as an Indian stooge and Dixit‘ s puppet. The Tamils greatly enamoured of the Tigers at that point of time saw Perumal as a traitor who had sold his soul to the Indians. Likewise most Sinhalese also viewed him with contempt and hostility. In that sense there was a meeting of Sinhala and Tamil minds on the question of Perumal. When the Indian army left our shores Perumal too left. Thereafter he was in self-imposed exile in India.
The former chief minister of Sri Lanka’s North-Eastern Province is presently in Colombo. According to sources from his political party the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) Perumal has left his family behind in Ajmer, Rajjasthan for the time being and is now engaged in a "fact-finding mission" in Sri Lanka. He seems to have picked a time to return when media attention on is concentrated to a great extent on the Wayamba. Were it not for the on going elections the media starved for news would very likely have given Perumal’ s return vast publicity. This in turn may have created great controversy.
Although the current election campaign in the country’ s North - Western Province remains the central focus of the Island’s’ s media the return of Varadaraja Perumal known generally as Perumal has not failed to evoke speculation amidst political circles . Various theories are afloat regarding the possible motives behind his return home at this juncture. Perumal along with his wife Gowri, three daughters and sister-in-law has been living in India in a state of self - exile since 1990. Why he chose to return now is a question that naturally arouses curiosity.
Interestingly enough the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar was seemingly ignorant about Perumal. A UNI report states that Kadirgamar had queried from a group of Indian journalists "who is this Varadaraja Perumal?". Although Kadirgamar a late entrant to active politics was nowhere on the political scene when Perumal was in the limelight, it is indeed strange that a person of his stature could have been in the dark about the one time chief minister of the N-E Province. While there may be differences of opinion about Perumal’s politics there can be no denying that he played a crucial and controversial role during an important phase of Sri Lanka’s political evolution, Varadaraja Perumal, the son of an Indian Tamil father and Jaffna Tamil mother, is another colourful personality thrown up by the political struggle of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. An ardent political activist of the Tamil United Liberation Front from his student days he was a member of its student and youth wings. Perumal was one of the 42 Tamil youths detained for years without trial by the United Front Government led by Mrs. Bandaranaike. Graduating from the Jaffna University with honours he went on to become a lecturer in economics at the same institution. He was arrested in the early eighties for alleged connections to the EPRLF and imprisoned. This was in the Eastern Province where he had gone to conduct political seminars.
As a detenue at Welikade jail Perumal was one of those lucky survivors of the twin massacres there in 1983. Escaping to India in the aftermath of the Batticaloa jailbreak of September 1983, Perumal became involved in EPRLF politics in Chennai and was at one stage its spokesperson. Perumal was also an EPRLF delegate at the Govt.-Tamil talks at Thimphu in Bhutan in 1985. He also undertook a trip to Europe on a fund raising mission for the EPRLF. Interestingly he along with the "Thinamurasu" editor and EPDP parliamentarian Ramesh were at one point in the forefront of the EPRLF’s anti-Indian faction. Subsequently both revised their stance. The controversial Varadaraja Perumal re-invented himself as a "Great friend of India" and was of utilitarian value to New Delhi during the post Indo-Lanka accord period.
It is to Perumal’ credit that he took the bold step of accepting chief ministerial office in the newly set up North - Eastern Council. The leadership qualities he displayed at the time through controversial was commendable. Had he not plunged in to become the pioneering chief minister amidst very difficult circumstances all positive gains of the 1987 Indu-Lanka accord may not have accrued to the Sri Lankan Tamils. Today the N-E council is defunct but the administrative structures set up under that council, particularly the merger of the North and Eastern Provinces, continue to exist, Perumal’s tenure as chief minister between December 1988 and March 1990 was quite unenviable. On the one hand the LTTE considered him as a traitor to the Tamil cause and began targeting him. The tigers also sabotaged all efforts by the North - Eastern Council to address the day to day problems of the Tamils. The council could not undertake any constructive action.
On the other hand Sinhala sections including former President Premadasa depicted Perumal as an Indian puppet. There was marked hostility towards him and the N-E Council on the part of the Southern political establishment and bureaucracy. All attempt at meaningful devolution under the Provincial Council scheme were stymied.
Caught metaphorically between a rook and a hard place Perumal found himself virtually important. Moreover the on going conflict between the IPKF and LTTE was continuing to cause hardship to the people of the N-E Province. Perumal however was strutting about the political scene with the arrogance of having Indian might backing him. This undermined his credibility with the government and related institutions . Perumal’s personal streak of pompous vanity did not endear himself to many either.
Matters came to a head when Premadasa struck a deal of sorts with the LTTE and demanded the withdrawal of the IPKF. In a last ditch stand Perumal raised a civilian volunteer force also known as the "Tamil National Army" to resist the LTTE while the IPKF was de-inducting itself in stages. The first recorded instance of Tamil youths being press-ganged or being forcibly conscripted was at this time. Thousands of youths were taken away by the EPRLF- ENDLF combine at gun point and "trained" as the TNA. It was a futile effort. The LTTE with logistical support from Premadasa simply pulverised the TNA in a fratricidal bloodbath.
A hopelessly beleaguered Perumal finally called it a day and on March 10 left Trincomalee with his family in an Indian aircraft. Before doing so he dropped a bombshell by getting the N-E Council to unilaterally declare an "intention’’ to promulgate Tamil Eelam if certain conditions were not granted by Colombo. Although the wording of the resolution was ambiguous and did not clearly "Declare Eelam" Premadasa used the so called ‘’unilateral declaration" by the council as the excuse for its dissolution. The popular view in the South too was that Eelam had been declared unilaterally.
Soon the fragile truce between Premadasa and the LTTE broke. Full scale war erupted. Varadaraja Perumal sought refuge in India after wandering for a while in Mauritius and Australia. Initially he stayed in Madhya Pradesh. Perumal later relocated to Rajasthan where he has been living for several years under Indian protection and benevolence.
An " India Today " article described his opulent lifestyle with a retinue of servants and bodyguards. He was obviously a prime target of the Tigers. Yet whenever he had an opportunity to interact with the media, Perumal has been evincing a desire to return from self-exile and serve his people again. There were very few takers for this as most people did not believe Perumal would hazard a return to Sri Lanka leaving behind the comforts of his exile.
Now he seems to have proved the sceptics wrong. The important question however is whether Perumal has a meaningful role to play in the politics of the nation at this stage. It is also important to ascertain what he himself perceives his would be role to be. EPRLF sources in Colombo said that Perumal has been meeting systematically several functionaries of the organization in Sri Lanka. These include cadres from both North and East in addition to those resident in Colombo. He is also meeting other politicians on both sides of the ethnic divide. Two of those are Prof. G. L. Peiris and Vasudeva Nanayakkara. Former speaker of the NEPC Ram Rajakarier is in charge of Perumal’s political itinerary. EPRLF cadres of the Razeek group from Batticaloa are in charge of his. security.
According to informed circles Perumal’s primary purpose in returning is to strengthen the EPRLF politically. The party that ruled the North - Eastern Provincial Council and held more than ten seats in Parliament at one time is now practically in the doldrums. It has no representation in Parliament. Its performance at the local authority elections of Jaffna was not impressive when compared to the EPDP, PLOTE and TULF.
Apparently the leadership provided by its current Secretary - General Suresh Premachandran has been found wanting and there are many dissatisfied elements. Rightly or wrongly there is a widespread feeling among EPRLF members in Sri Lanka and abroad that Varadaraja Perumal has got what it takes to re-vitalise the party again. Obviously one person who would not agree with this view is Suresh Premachandran himself.
Perumal in his meetings with EPRLF members has been stating that he has a three-pronged strategy to follow. Firstly he would strive to persuade the Kumaratunga regime to establish an interim administration for the North - East Province to oversee and coordinate rehabilitation and development activity.
Secondly he would help promote the devolution package of the government as a political settlement after suitable modifications. Thirdly he will actively pursue political activity against the LTTE and wean the Tamil people away from the Tigers.
Perumal reportedly struck a responsive chord among EPRLF cadres when he said that he was confident that both the Sri Lankan and Indian governments would support his endeavours in this regard. There is also a feeling among several EPRLF cadres that Varadaraja Perumal has the backing of Chandrika Kumaratunga and Sonia Gandhi. It remains to be seen whether this feeling is correct.
Independent political observers too see an opening for the EPRLF in general and Varadaraja Perumal in particular in the political sphere. The EPRLF is one Tamil party that maintained close links with the PA prior to and during 1994 election" . It was unable to play a useful role in the PA government because of its poor showing at the polls. It could not participate in governance too as a result of that. But the PA however has not found any Tamil party to support it to the hilt despite the limited support proffered. The TULF and PLOTE for instance take an independent line when it comes to voting for the emergency extension.
In that respect the EPRLF seems to be the only one that would offer support unreservedly. In 1994 the EPRLF supported the PA openly. During the IPKF period the EPRLF under Perumal demonstrated that they were perhaps the best Tamil lackeys in available. With parliamentary and Presidential elections due in the near future the EPRLF may be the most convenient vehicle to promote the interests of the Peoples Alliance in the Tamil areas. Tamil votes are necessary for a Parliamentary as well as Presidential election majority. The PA cannot directly harvest these votes and need "Help’".
The type of help required is the ability to garner votes " Hondin " or " Narakin". The EPRLF under Perumal in that sense would be ideal for this.
The only hitch from Perumal’s perspective is that the current EPRLF chief Suresh Premachandran is not likely to fade out gracefully relinquishing his position to Perumal. When rumours of Perumal getting a cabinet minister post started spreading, Premachandran summoned his executive committee and passed a resolution that no EPRLFer should accept a ministerial portfolio. This was a pre-emptive strike against Perumal by Suresh. The differences between Suresh and Perumal could necessitate a power struggle that may split and further weaken the party.
Yet if Perumal succeeds in gaining control of the party without much collateral damage he may be able to refurbish the EPRLF image to some extent. Given the various faction" within other Tamil parties he may even be able to forge a larger and more comprehensive Tamil front in the future by drawing in the disgruntled elements from those outfits its. Also Perumal is likely to get a shot in the arm if and when Sonia Gandhi’s congress gains power in India.
There are however misgivings about Perumal’s capabilities too. While his political acumen is not doubted there is pessimism about his ability to inspire and lead both his party and the people to a brave new world. Judging by his track record his inter-personal skills are not adequate for a major task of this nature. It is said that Perumal lacks the diplomatic tact necessary for wielding Tamil unity and garnering popular support.
Perumal’s supporters say that his long period of exile has enabled him to reflect and rectify those real and imagined flaws . Moreover the past ten years has led to great disillusionment among the Tamil people about the LTTE. With the wisdom of hindsight there is a strong feeling that the best possible deal for the Tamil was under the Indo - Lanka accord. There is much regret over a lost opportunity. This in turn has created a certain amount of appreciation for what Perumal did then. As such window of opportunity has been created for Perumal. Also given the sterile conditions of Tamil politics Perumal’s entry is sure to cause a flutter of activity.
There are two other factors that may affect the political fortunes of Perumal. Popular Sinhala sentiment continues to see him as an "Indian puppet" and would be hostile to him. When Perumal begins to indulge in active politicking there would be a clamour for his arrest in connection with his so called unilateral declaration of Eelam. Even if the government refrain. From doing so the climate created would not be conducive for open alignment with him. Making him the N-E provincial chief or inducting him into the cabinet would be a very difficult proposition . Thus even if Perumal or his Indian masters want it clone the PA would find it very difficult to comply. As such Perumal’s usefulness would be diminished.
The other is the LTTE which would view Perumal’s return as a defiant challenge . The Perumal regime unleashed a reign of terror against Tamil people suspected of LTTE links during the IPKF period. Moreover it cannot be denied that Varadaraja Perumal’s boldness in taking the Provincial Council plunge was the greatest blow to LTTE self-esteem at that stage. Therefore the Tigers will place his elimination on top of their agenda. This factor is likely to constrain and constrict Perumal’s freedom of movement in the future.
It is likely that Perumal himself would go public: with his plans after he familiarises himself with the intricacies of the current situation. This is most likely to be after the Wayamba Provincial elections. EPRLF sources say that Perumal will conduct a press conference after the elections and announce his plans. It remains to be seen whether he could bring about a qualitative change in Tamil politics in the future. The return of the self- exiled Perumal will however add sparkle to the contemporary political scene of Sri Lanka
Perspective
The ‘Padada’ Alliance vs. civil society
By C. A. ChandrapremaAs predicted, by me in last week’s column, the PA left nothing to chance. They did not wait to see whether their propaganda was having the desired effect on the (m)asses. After all however much asses the (m)asses may be, they recognise privation and hopelessness when they see it. The people of this country even though they were not undergoing the same kind of acute suffering and near starvation conditions of the previous SLFP led government in 1970-77, they were nevertheless leading a marginal existence in a hopeless situation. There was no doubt a clear swing towards the UNP in the North Western Province which appears to have prompted the PA to openly rob the people’s votes. The people’s Alliance now does not appear to have any ‘people’ in it. Even in S .B. Nawinna’s homeborough, Wariyapola PA goons had resorted to stuffing the ballot boxes.
Vincent Dias, the former MP for Badulla who was staying with some friends in Colombo last night after having narrowly escaped with his life from Wariyapola told me over the phone that in the Wariyapola electorate, all ballot boxes had been stuffed. He had been held hostage for over six hours until he was rescued by the security forces. Speaking of this ordeal he told me "Mehema chanda karoth api vinasa wevi" The widespread stuffing of ballot boxes in Wariyapola was confirmed this morning by journalist and polls observer, Sunanda Deshapriya over ‘Swarnavahini’. If the PA cannot win even Nawinna’s electorate without stuffing the boxes, then verily, this Alliance is not between the people and the SLFP. It is now a ‘Padada Alliance’.
The most horrendous aspect of all this is that the government has become totally dependent on the minorities and the underworld to stay in power. The minority parties on the one hand deliver up to them the votes of the minorities, and the Colombo underworld delivers up to the votes of the Sinhalese. The dependence of the PA on the underworld was amply demonstrated at the NWP elections. Many newspapers reported that notorious criminals like ‘Dhammika’ ‘Kaduwala Wasantha’ and the others were in the NWP working on behalf of the PA.
People were expecting them to engage in acts of intimidation before the elections and during the campaign and their role was expected to end at that. But their main role appears to have been something more sinister - the wholesale looting of the people’s vote on the election day - snatching cards from voters, stuffing ballot boxes, ‘lifting’ ballot boxes, chasing out polling agents etc..
I cant get over the fact that in the Puttlam district ballot boxes which had started journeying at 4.00 pm, had not arrived at the counting centres even by 11.00pm! Within that time, they could have travelled to even Jaffna or Galle! The fear the PA had of losing appears to have prompted them to literally boot people out of the polling booth indiscriminately... They don’t appear to have been sure even of their own voters. Why leave things to chance? The best thing was to cast all the votes themselves, that way they could be sure of the outcome! Had this been just a case of some overzealous PA supporters and MP’s stuffing ballot boxes that would have been er...shall we say ‘normal’? Such things had happened at most elections held in this country. But this election really takes the cake. The underworld did all the voting.
After the NWP elections, the PA will have to reward the padadaya’s who are now the ‘P’ of the PA. How are they going to do that? By giving them more and more leeway for their activities, and in exchange, the padadaya’s will render even more service to the PA... and it will go on like that until this country is in a situation of total anarchy. Are we going into the twenty first century in a situation like that? The UNP when it was in power also no doubt engaged in similar practices - of getting close to the underworld and ultimately the tail was wagging the dog towards the end of the UNP regime. President D.B.Wijetunga had to get rid of the UNP underworld before the elections of 1994. Yet the dependency of the PA on the underworld as demonstrated at this election, has gone far beyond anything the UNP was guilty of. At no time was the UNP so totally dependent on the goons. At most the goons may have provided ‘support services’. At times they may have engaged in election malpractices as well. But NEVER were they used to loot people’s votes in broad daylight like this. The goons today are a SUBSTITUTE for both the politicians and voters. Very soon there wont be a situation of underworld figures being merely ‘associated’ with politicians. You might find Kaduwala Wasantha and Dammika in the PA cabinet!
And this impression that some people have that all this was done by the PA’s NWP politicians and that the higher echelons of the PA had nothing to do with this is all bunkum. This is the way it was planned from the beginning. The method of winning the election was decided on the day it was decided to hold the NWP election. And it was planned and executed at the highest levels. In a normal election, the Padada Alliance would have lost ignominiously and its ‘Honourable Chief Ministerial Candidate’ would have lost his own electorate. Can this government which is administratively incompetent, economically ineffectual, militarily disastrous, politically unpopular, and controlled by the Colombo underworld usher in the year 2000?
. What kind of a ‘kaalakanni yugaya’ are we in for? This country needs a ‘shanthikarmaya’ to exorcise it of all these malefic effects.
Lessons from Northern Ireland
Reply to Jehan PereraMany articles have been published in the print media after what is popularly known as the Good Friday Agreement, 1998. The signatories were the British and the Irish governments, the Sinn Fein and the paramilitary units both Roman Catholic and Protestant. The troubles in northern Ireland which began in the late 1960’s has accounted for over 3500 dead and many wounded with damage to property and livelihood amounting millions of pounds sterling. The resulting misery to those affected will never be quantified. The aim of the Easter Agreement is to restore the peace between the British Government and its armed forces and the para military armies of Ireland : the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and its many splinter groups and the Protestant counterparts. This conflict between the Republicans and the Unionists date back centuries but the "modern era" and the resurgence of violence began with the "Troubles" of the late 1960’s.
In the above titled article which appeared in the Island 30th December 1998 Jehn Perera (JP) states: "The fourth pre-requisite that had to be satisfied for the peace agreement to work was the tacit agreement of the British government that the IRA would not disarm at the outset of the peace agreement itself. After many years of fighting , and breakdown of talks, the parties to the conflict simply do not trust each other." Decommissioning is the most vital issue of the Easter agreement: without total commitment and consensus on decommisioning of weapons the entire Easter Agreement may not be worth the paper it is written on. It may be argued rather correctly that even if decommisioning was practically undertaken it is always possible for the paramilitaries to acquire arms as they are readily available. However once decommisioned it would be considered immoral and a blow to the Irish paramilitary units to renege on an undertaking once completed. There is the example closer home when in 1987 the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) reneged on the undertaking to decommission their arms. This change of undertaking by the LTTE was not a bi-lateral agreement between the LTTE and the government but was sponsored by the "good offices" of India.
Any terrorist group has a grave problem of decommissioning the weapons they hold. It is common for these terrorist groups to advance the theory that weapons are required by them for their own protection: they have no faith in the government undertaking. And that they need protection is natural. Terrorist groups have resorted to inhuman killings and executions of their opponents. They fear reprisals some day from those friends and relatives of those whom they executed. They thus need the weapons, this makes decommissioning a very difficult process this is true of the LTTE and the Irish terrorists. Incidentally the IRA is not classified as a group of "freedom fighters" although their claim for a return of northern Ireland is more reasonable than the demand of the LTTE for a separate state. Ireland was one entity until the British colonized northern Ireland.
JP has devoted only two sentences to this vital issue of decommissoning: a mere 55 words of a total of about 1700 or roughly 3%. It is rather incomprehensible that this vital issue received such scant attention or significance. Without decommissioning the entire Easter agreement would be unworkable and peace will be impractical. Just two sentences from the entire five columns of the article.
In the Belfast agreement: an agreement reached at the Multi-Party Talks on Northern Ireland published by the Stationery Office Limited, London which was presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland by Command of Her Majesty April 1998. There is a complete section on page 20 on the subject of Decommissioning. This reads as -
1. Participants recall their agreement in the Procedural Motion adopted on 24th September l997 "that the resolution of the decommissioning issue is an indispensable part of the process of negotiation" and also recall the provisions of paragraph 25 Strand 1 above. Strand 1 paragraph 25 reads: ... Those who hold office should use only democratic, non-violent means, and those who do not should be excluded or removed from office under these provisions".
2. They note the process made by the Independent International Commission on Deccommissioning and the governments in developing schemes which can represent a workable basis for achieving the decommissioning of illegally held arms in the possession of paramilitary groups".
3. All participants reaffirm their commitment to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organizations. They also confirm their intention to continue to work constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission, and to use any influence they may have, to achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years following endorsement in referendum North and South of the agreement and in the context of the implementation of the overall settlement."
4. The Independent Commission will ,monitor review and verify progress on decommissioning of illegal arms, end will report to both governments at regular intervals."
5. Both governments will take all necessary steps to facilitate the decommissioning process to include bringing the relevant schemes into force by the end of June.
It is clear from paragraph 1 that ".the decommissioning issue is an indispensable part of the process of negotiation..."
Decommissioning is indispensable. The reason is obvious as there can be no peace if paramilitary groups have access to weapons. Once weapons are decommissioned the Agreement in its section on Security states in paragraph 1" ... the basis of this agreement can and should mean a normalization of security arrangements and practices." There is no total withdrawal of the security arrangements but only "normalization".
Paragraph 2 under Security reads:" The British government will make progress towards the objective of as early a return as possible to normal security arrangements in Northern Ireland, consistent with the level of threat and with a published overall strategy with:
(i) the reduction of the numbers and the role of the Armed Forces deployed in Northern Ireland to levels comparable with a normal peaceful society;
(ii) the removal of security installations;
(iii) the removal of emergency powers in Northern Ireland; and
(iv) other measures appropriate to and compatible with a normal peaceful society.
JP appears to conclude rather easily that the Easter Agreement is a success and the parties will certainly adhere to its undertaking. More over JP already sees lessons from the Agreement to the armed conflict the LTTE has initiated with the democratically elected government of the island. But many leaders who were signatories view it with a degree of scepticism and considered caution. But this Agreement as seen by Martin Fetcher in his article titled "Noble celebrations can’t hide a lack of progress" "... was essentially a declaration of intent, not an end in itself, and nearly eight months after it was clinched, no executive has been formed, the cross-border bodies have yet to be agreed, and neither the republicans nor loyalists paramilitary organizations have handed in one bullet. If no agreement in executive and cross border bodies before Christmas the transfer will be inevitably be postponed." It is clear that there is no finality yet in its execution. Unionists want cross border bodies reduced to six. They would choose three - waterways, marine matters, food, safety. Nationalist SDLP could have tourism, European Union matters and trade. This shows there is no finality. Fletcher reports that even if agreement on executive and cross border bodies are resolved the biggest obstacle to the implementation will remain as David Trimble will not form the executive which includes the Sinn Fein until the IRA begins disarming. IRA has taken no decision on disarming yet.
Irish leaders who signed the Easter Agreement are still uncertain that the agreement will be a success: this doubt is due to the one major obstacle which is the problem of decommissioning. In an article which appeared in The Observer, London, under the title ‘IRA name hardliner Brian Keenam as new Chief of Staff ‘ Patrick Winter and Malachi O’ Doherty states quite clearly that talks on disarmament are deadlocked. Brian Keenan had served a period of 14 years in prison for masterminding 18 terrorist attacks one of which killed nine servicemen, a woman and two children and procured arms from Colonel Gaddafi of Libya. Appointment may mean that the extremists are gaining ascendancy. They argue that the appointment of hardliner Brian Keenan is significant. Senior IRA sources have informed Winter and O’’ Doherty that the Ulster Unionist leader, first minister for Northern Ireland and Nobel Peace Prize winner David Trimble had demanded even a token decommissioning of weapons by the IRA before he allowed Sinn Fein to take up ministerial appointments: even this was "informally rejected by the IRA convention. The British government seemed to gloss over the talks between the British prime minister Blair and Irish prime minister Bertie Ahern in Vienna: Britain is not going to slow down the process of the agreement. But senior Unionist politicians see ‘a serious threat to the peace process’.
There is serious concern about decommissioning after the Continuity IRA, the only Republican Group that is not in the ceasefire undertaking test fired a substantial ‘ batch of mortars on the eve of the presentation of the Nobel Peace Prize to David Trimble and David Hume. Observer believes this message is "ominous ... The IRA had reiterated at the beginning of December that there would be no handing over of weapons immediately."
Martin Fletcher in ‘The Times’, London, on l4 December under the title" Sinn Fein warns of return to war: Ex-terrorist says peace accord is not defining promised changes" reports that the Unionists are trying" to push the IRA back to war". The report quotes David Trimble: The obligations are quite clear and everybody knows what they are and we know who is falling down on the job -its Gerry Adams (The Sinn Fein president) and the sooner he declares what he undertakes to deliver the better".
On 16 January 1999, Mark Davenport on Sky News quoted the Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC): he had stated that in the past year since the Easter Agreement over 200 "punishment beatings ‘ had taken place in Northern Ireland: the latest in County Tyronne. These beatings were without mercy and the TV cameras interviewed a victim John Brennan. These beatings were to ‘ correct ‘ the anti social elements who indulged in cannabis smoking, etc. This is the same reason given by the LTTE when they killed those who disagreed with them: for example the infamous "lamp post" killings. For the year l999, a total of 13 beatings have been reported: these do not include many who do not report such incidents for fear of reprisals. Both the Republicans and the Loyalists engage in such activities. It has also been reported that during "ceasefire" agreements these beatings increase. Brennan is very cynical about the "ceasefire" as it is only a "semblance of a ceasefire. The firing of weapons and an attack on property with a damage of over a million pounds sterling has been reported. But JP seems to know better and even suggests the "lessons" we should draw from the agreement to resolve the conflict in our island. Terrorist groups often agree to a "ceasefire to procure arms and equipment, muster and regroup their cadres. The IRA and other splinter groups as the "continuity IRA" and the "real IRA" are greatly dependent on the American-Irish support for their funding: these groups seem to have only temporarily succumbed to the US initiative in the Easter Agreement: they are only too aware of the problems of US leadership and play for time: time is available to most if not all terrorist groups whereas governments looking for the support of the electorate and votes are in a hurry to claim success as in the Easter Agreement. Such peace deals throughout the world are a long list but with little or no permanent success. With a change in the US leadership the attitude of the Republican and Protestant terrorists would obviously change.
