Independence Day Messages

Full text of the Address to the Nation by President Kumaratunga Kumaratunga Kumaratunga

"There are epochs in history when it is evident to all that one social order has to give way to another. These are eras of fundamental change, rejuvenation and re-education, which are part of the history of any country.

"Our own country, since independence, has witnessed many such periods of radical social transformation. One such period which springs to mind is the silent revolution of 1956. The late Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike characterised it as a period when an entirely new social order underpinned by value systems and convictions of its own, was struggling to be born. The essential spirit of the changes typifying that period was the quality of resonance to the needs and aspirations of our people. The role of political leadership was to give form and substance to an emerging popular culture and to pave the way for a smooth transition from a colonial regime to the full flowering of the genius of the Sri Lankan people in all walks of life in the afterglow of our independence.

"It was a tryst with destiny, similar both in depth and range, that our government was called upon to accept on our election to office 41/2 years ago. As I survey the changes that have been effected in the political, economic, social and cultural life of our country since August 1994, it is a source of justifiable pride to me and to my government that an entirely new vista, a uniquely new horizon has been heralded in the history of our nation, in fulfilment of the resounding mandate we received from our people.

"This was truly a revolution befitting the spirit and priorities of our time. Its significance becomes apparent upon a moments reflection.

"In the political sphere, one of the cornerstones of my government’s agenda was the guarantee of freedom and participatory democracy at every level. The spirit of a proud and creative people, devitalised and curtailed by a ruthless regime of repression, cried out for self expression. It is to this clarion call that we responded throughout the spectrum of government policy.

"My government began at a point where no form of dissent could be articulated, without fear of the gravest consequences, extending to denial of freedom and to loss of life itself. What our people unequivocally rejected five years ago was a culture of subservience and servile conformity.

"My government was required to embark upon the historic task of banishing the gloom of two decades of terror and to usher in a vibrant and refreshing political culture which drew its inspiration from the entrenchment of freedom, both individually and collectively. We restructured our political institutions in such a manner as to enable the spirit of freedom and democracy to flourish everywhere without restraint or inhibition. Nowhere is this more plainly manifest than in the unbridled freedom of the media. Every point of view, however illconsidered, inadequately informed, overtly prejudiced or even malicious, is given the fullest expression. Dissent, we fervently believe, is the life blood of democracy, and we have unflinchingly adhered to this conviction not by mere precept but by practical example. Banished from the collective consciousness of the nation, is the grim anticipation of reprisals, attendant upon challenges directed against political authority. We have made it possible for our country to heave a collective sigh of relief, that this state of things, belongs definitely and irrevocably to the past.

"It is the experience of history that it takes at least a whole generation to effect a substantial change in the political culture of a country. It is a lasting tribute to the courage and maturity of our people that a change of this magnitude was accomplished in the remarkably brief period of half a decade.

"Some years ago we all dreamt of freedom, of democracy. It seemed near impossible to realise it, until August, 1994.

"Yet we toiled hard, suffered immense pain and made much personal sacrifice to achieve our goals.

"We shall never permit the phantoms from the past to destroy our hard-won gains, nor shall we allow anyone from our ranks to sully our great victories. If some persons from our camp, have indulged in any actions that are contrary to the pledges we have given our people - even if it has occurred only once in 4 1/2 years, I pledge here and now, that my government and our political party will take the strictest action against all such persons. We shall also, ensure that no such occasions arise in the future.

"We re-established democracy in this country. It is our sacred duty to guarantee it as long as we remain in government. We do not need the preachings of sanctimonious humbugs, who connived in silence whilst tens of thousands of our children were massacred, to tell us what we should do.

"The hallmark of our policy has been the conviction that political power is neither a right nor an entitlement, but a trust. It is this profound belief, pervading every action of my government, that has imparted to our political philosophy the basic element of emphasis on accountability. Indeed, our basic goals in this regard have been honesty, accountability, transparency and efficiency. We have at all times, been prepared to explain our actions as a government to the people and to submit to their judgement.

"Our achievements with regard to establishing a free and democratic political culture, although immeasurably significant, do not by any means represent the whole of what we have accomplished during the last 4 1/2 years. An essential part of our vision is that of a humane compassionate and caring government. This has been reflected in all aspects of our social policy.

"We have put in place radical changes with regard to the structure and orientation of education, in order to ensure that educational curricula will facilitate a multifaceted development of our children to mould them to become responsible and morally sound citizens and to equip them adequately for satisfactory employment and to address themselves to the challenges of modern society with self-assurance and in a democratic manner. We believe that this is the foremost challenge that we must perforce respond to, as we move onto the new millennium.

"We have accorded the highest priority to the reform and expansion of the health sector, in order to ensure that the benefits of health care extend to the remotest regions of the country and permeate every sector of the community. We have addressed, with perseverance, problems connected with addictive drugs, alcoholism, child abuse and suicide, regrettably prevalent in our society at the present time. My government’s unrelenting commitment to the pursuit of social equity is seen in the importance that we have consistently attached to the programme which we have refined and developed as the principal initiative for the alleviation of poverty in our country.

"All this, because we care for our children and our young men and women.

"In the economic sphere, we have turned our backs on the past and linked our country to the nerve centres of the global economy, so that the exciting opportunities that increasingly arise globally, will no longer pass us by. Our prudent and well planned policies in respect of macro-economic management, have made it possible for us to salvage a weak, corrupt and inefficiently managed economy. We can justifiably claim the status of "an island of security in an ocean of turbulence". We have been able to insulate our economy to a substantial extent from the vicissitudes and upheavals which engulfed stronger economies in the region, whilst achieving high levels of development in a sustained manner.

It is appropriate to make reference to the far-reaching consequences of the initiatives we have taken with regard to modernization of agriculture, development of the plantations sector and the growth of facilities for marketing. The expansion of the industrial sector, with particular reference to manufacturing and services, has provided a powerful impetus for the creation of fresh employment opportunities. Employment has been made available to the rural youth due to our policy of relocation of industries in the remoter areas. The measures adopted to develop the scientific and technological bases, with special regard to information technology, will prepare Sri Lanka to enter the 21st century as a modern and vibrant nation.

"We have made unparalleled progresses in the development of highways, irrigation, electricity, telecommunications, ports and harbours and vocational training programmes.

"My government has been a pioneer in the field of urban development. For the first time since ancient times, the development of our cities and the suburbs - together with the provision of infrastructure facilities - has been undertaken in accordance with scientific and artistic and environmental criteria.

"My government has addressed the urgent and vexed task of designing a set of proposals, to arrive at a political solution to the ethnic problem in our country. It required immense courage and vision to make a frontal attack on this problem. There is at present before Parliament, a set of comprehensive proposals, introduced by my government to empower all ethnic groups, so that they will be full partners and shareholders in the decision making processes at all levels of government. The purpose of this constitutional initiative is the replacement of bigotry and intolerance by understanding; suspicion by confidence; and exclusion by empowerment and fruitful partnership. Once they are implemented, they will build a strong basis for people of all races, religions, cultural and social backgrounds, speaking all languages to build together, a strong and united country.

"I must emphasize that these varied and formidable tasks have been pursued and accomplished in circumstances of exceptional difficulty. The quality of these achievements has to be assessed against the backdrop of a debilitating war which has existed for more than 15 years and continues to consume a large proportion of the nation’s resources. We have succeeded in embarking on extensive development and welfare programmes to eater for the collective well-being of Sri Lankan society, while making adequate provision for the successful prosecution of the war.

"Having regard to the scope and number of these changes, it is a legitimate claim that a whole new political, social and economic order has been put in place in the country since my government was elected to office. A great deal yet remains to be done. As we look back with both pride and humility on what has been achieved during the last 4 l/2 years, I ask my people to share our sense of satisfaction with the scale of these accomplishments and to associate themselves unreservedly with the initiatives that need to be taken to continue our march to peace, prosperity and justice for all as the new millennium dawns."

Join hands to build a new nation — Prime Minister

Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike in an Independence Day message said that the time has come for all citizens of the country to join hands as Sri Lankans in the task of building a new nation.

Following is the text of the message:

We, Sri Lankans, commemorated the Golden Jubilee of our independence last year. Although we have had so many commemorative celebrations of independence, we must admit that we have not so far been able to reap the real fruits of independence. A glance at neighbouring countries which gained independence at or about the same time as Sri Lanka, shows that they have made great strides in the spheres of economic, social and cultural development. It’s geographical position, fertile resources and natural beauty and the high level of education of the people have given Sri Lanka too the basic factors conducive to achieving a similar level of development.

In examining the factors responsible for our slow pace of development in these spheres, a number of aspects deserve our attention. One such aspect is the trend of political activities in Sri Lanka. A number of political parties are active in Sri Lanka and these parties have repeatedly found it difficult to arrive at a common agreement even on minor issues. This has given rise to dissension and violence on many occasions, and we have suffered in full measure the unsavoury results of such incidents. In particular, the failure to make a united effort even in matters of, national importance, has been one obstacle in the path of our progress. Further we must give serious thought to the undesirable influences and repercussions that can result from our dealings with foreign countries and world organizations and take planned measures in keeping with definite national policies. This would help in making the future development of our country even more meaningful.

History has given us numerous examples of countries with multicommunal populations which have developed by solving resultant problems peacefully through patience and discussion as well as of others where failure to do so has greatly impeded development.

Here, we are naturally reminded of the leaders of our Independence Movement, who made a united effort without thinking in terms of communal religious or caste differences. We must try to emulate their example. It’s also our duty to ponder about and remedy our past mistakes. The time has also come for all citizens of this country to join hands as Sri Lankans in the task of building up a new nation. It’s an obligation that we of the present era should fulfil in the interests of the future generation.

Let us make this our Independence Day Resolution and let us while paying due respect to the National Flag, march towards year two thousand, soon to dawn, as proud Sri Lankans

Muslims are part of this country — General Secretary, ACJU

Moulavi Fazil AlHaj M. J. M. Riyal General Secretary of the Council of Muslim Theologians in his Independence day message says that the Muslims contributed their share in fighting foreign aggression shoulder to shoulder with the Sinhalese army.

The following is the text of Moulavi’s statement.

The Muslims of Sri Lanka are a part of this country being early settlers. The Arabs have been regular commercial visitors to Sri Lanka as proved by some archeological findings and when Islam was perfected as an international religion through our Holy Prophet Mohamed (Q.W.B.P.), these early settlers embraced Islam and continued as citizens of this country.

This fact has been very specifically underlined in a speech by our former Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike who has said "Muslims are an integrate part of Sri Lankan society from very early times and their history of close cordiality and corporation with the Sinhala community is as long as their history itself.

The Muslims contributed their share in fighting foreign aggression shoulder to shoulder with the Sinhalese army. It is also a historical fact that Muslims have stood for the unity and sovereignty of the country.

When the Donoughmore Constitution which granted self rule to the then Ceylon, Al-Haj Dr. T. B. Jayah made the following statement in the State Council.

"We Muslims are fully united, ignoring the various differences among us in our demand for independence to this country and in this quest we are one with the Sinhala community."

The late Mr. S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike replying to this speach mentioned: "The Sinhala Community of Sri Lanka are ever gratefull to the Muslims who have rendered immense and selfless services in our struggle for independence."

It is a religious duty of Muslims to work for the welfare of the country and the people of their domain. Hence it is no surprise that Muslim leaders of Sri Lanka offered all assistance necessary in all the effort and struggles for the independence of our country.

It is a matter of great sorrow that the good will and cordiality that have been the hallmark of the lives of all the communities of this country has been disturbed in recent past. The Muslims are eager to identify the reasons for this unfortunate situation and actively participate in all the efforts to find a peaceful solution to this problem. Muslims of Sri Lanka have rendered their fullest cooperation to the Government in the endeavour throughout history.

Muslims have made it a regular practice to offer special prayers for peace and prosperity of the country during the Friday Jummah sermons and on special occasions of religious importances.

The Holy Quaran commands the Muslims as following: "Help you one another in virtue, righteousness and piety, but do not help one another in sin and transgression" (5:2) and therefore, it is the duty of every Muslims to endeavour to establish peace and harmony as per this command of the Holy Quaran".

Sri Lanka was an oasis of amity —Ven. Medhalankara Thero

Weweldeniya Medhalankara Maha Nayaka Maha Thero in a message to mark the 51st anniversary of independence says that since the colonial era, we hoped for the religious freedom. But we should recall whether at present the religious differences are not existing to the degree that prevailed then when we were not independent. The brutish habits have reached us in a most regrettable manner, discarding the entirety of the religious objectives. In what unfortunate manner that the cracks have appeared even in the father - son affection? Who are responsible for all these? Among the then nations, Sri Lanka was an oasis of amity. We were world - renowned as a nation full of smiling faces. But today who, among us, can smile heartily with each other with a loving face? How can there be an affection when looking constantly with a suspicious mind of distrust and hatred. When this is the situation what economic development can be expected in the country? It is a tragedy that we have become so cruel as to destroy not only our own properties but also to ruthlessly demolish our national heritage. It can be comprehended by paying serious attention in what despicable manner in which the religious symbols regarded by us as most sacred are presently being brought to ruin.

What economic prosperity is expected in a country like this? What morals are there in a social system immersed in five-sins? What is the credibility in a country with a social system of deceiving each other from top to bottom? Is it not for our own misfortune that we were accustomed to have not even the barest regard for the country, the nation and the creed in order to remain in power? Nothing of these at all will contribute towards the development.

Origin of the Independence Movements
by M. B. Dassanayake

"When a Sinhalese meets a Sinhalese today, it is not of the war, not of the death of Kitchener, of the battle of VerdunÉ that he talks, but simply of the events of last June, of the prospects of justiceÉ of the probable time that will elapse before the innocent men in prison are set at liberty."

In these words the Editor of the ‘Ceylon Morning Leader’ described the mood of the Island months after the suppression of the 1915 riots. The events and implication of this breakdown of British order in Ceylon, to which Armand de Souza was alluding, have been hazed over by the brutal immensity of World War I.

The Ceylon disturbance, like these events, involved British blundering, but is differed, ostensibly, in that it was triggered by communal strife rather than by nationalism. In Ceylon that nationalist surge was an apparent result of the riots, not a main cause. But about this a teasing doubt exists.

The ’15 disturbance in Ceylon merits examination as (1) an example of the faltering will of late-stage imperialism, (2) as another instance of the seeming inevitability of nationalism emerging from the inequities of colonialism, and (3) as an important and little-studied episode in Ceylon’s 20th Century history.

Invasions
The anger which exploded in the 1915 riots had a tap-root deep in Ceylon’s communal history. Although the Sinhalese have been a majority on the island, they have been pressed by a succession so strong invaders. Early Sinhalese chronicles advanced the view that their Buddhist culture must be preserved, if necessary even by taking violent measures against foreign peoples and foreign ideas. If this seems contrary to ideal Buddhism and it may well be so, it is also understandable in view of the stress-filled Sinhalese historical experience.

After undergoing centuries of invasions from India which undermined the ancient Buddhist Kingdom, the Sinhalese had been thrust back upon their mountains. Subsequently, a series of conquests of coastal Ceylon by the Portuguese, the Dutch, and finally the British, isolated the Kingdom of Kandy. This last bastion of Sinhalese Buddhism fell in 1815 and, after intermittent revolts, the Sinhalese settled down under British rule. For 67 years tranquillity reigned and Westernization continued, but historic fears remained. According to the 1911 census, in a population of 4,106,350 persons in Ceylon the Sinhalese made up a majority of 66.13% (2,715,410) (24.32 of these Kandyans and 41.81% Low Country people), 23.79% (1,059,007) were Tamils (Half of these recent immigrants on the tea estates) and 6.45% (233,901) were Muslim "Moors" of which 32,724 were "Indian Moors". The remainder (3.63% of the population) included Burghers, British, Chetties, Veddahs, Afghans, Malays, Kafirs and other small groups.

The formation of the Ceylon National Congress

The first phase of the growth of nationalism in Ceylon would be the years from 1870 — 1915. During this period one sees a steady growth in numbers of the Ceylonese elite, a growth which taken as a whole built up increasing pressure behind demands for the reform of the Constitution. The Ceylon elite, however, was united only in their desire to gain greater power for themselves on the basis of their status as representatives of the people, and from the beginning it was possible to see a division among the elite into what may be termed "nationalist" and "Constitutionalist" wings. The latter stood for very limited programme of political action within the framework of the classical liberal political system — i.e. Gladstonian Liberalism without its social conscience — while the former were committed to the regeneration of the traditional religion and the cultural and linguistic elements associated with it. But while this division existed there was no sharp polarization of forces such as occurred in India in the first decade of the twentieth century.

It is noteworthy, however, that there was no positive effort to channel the enthusiasm at the temperance agitation evoked, and indeed the discontent it generated among the Buddhist activists into a political force of real significance. The Ceylonese "nationalists" diffused their energies over a wide range of religious, social, cultural and educational issues and made little effort to consistently focus attention on any clearly defined political objective. They seemed curiously uninterested in exploiting the grievances of the Buddhists, grievances which they themselves were largely instrumental in delineating and agitating about, for the purpose of a positive programme of political action. There appear to be two reasons for this: Buddhist organizations were too rudimentary (they were largely ad hoc in fact) for a sustained campaign; and the leadership of the movement was always in dispute. The most "charismatic" of the Buddhist leaders, Anagarika Dharmapala was at heart a peripatetic religious propagandist who spent a great deal of his time out of the Island, and even when he was in the Island he diffused his energies over a wide range of interests. His abrasive personality and forthright speeches earned him the suspicions of the colonial authorities, and the enmity of other Buddhist leaders many of whom were loath to acknowledge his claims to primacy in the leadership of the Buddhist movement.

Other temperance leaders were also marked men. When the riots of 1915 broke out, they were among the first to be arrested by the British authorities. In 1915 an association with the temperance movement, past or present, was sufficient proof, so far as the colonial administration was concerned, of "seditious" activity, threatening the security of British rule in the Island.

Kandyan Convention
The outbreak of war in 1914 was followed by a notable upsurge of nationalist sentiment, and a renewal of the agitation for constitutional reform. Indeed 1915 marking as it did the centenary of the Kandyan Convention was particularly significant in this regard, for it saw the emergence of a new political group, the Young Lanka League, consisting of young men of a decidedly secular political outlook, and they focused attention on a specifically political objective when they chose the occasion of the commemoration of the centenary of the Kandyan Kingdom, to pledge themselves to securing national independence for Ceylon. The Young Lanka League might be described as the first radical and nationalist political association to be formed in Ceylon with a political programme which was overtly and defiantly opposed to the continuation of British rule in the Island. Its formation was also significant because it was intended to demonstrate a lack of confidence in the existing political leadership in Ceylon.

The Ceylon Reform League
The riots of 1915 and their aftermath, martial law, proved to be only a temporary impediment to ‘The Ceylonese’ and its campaign for a Congress, for in January 1916 it resumed the agitation, though the tone was now more subdued and the arguments tailored to suit the less hopeful political situation that existed then. There was, for example, a claim that a National Congress could even be used in support of the war effort, and the suggestion that the support of Britishers resident in Ceylon should be sought for the establishment of a Congress. Most significant of all, it came out strongly against some of the political attitudes of the Indian National Congress, in particular the latter’s hostility to the British. A Ceylon National Congress, ‘The Ceylonese’ asserted, should operate on two principles: there should be no unreasoned opposition to government. At a more positive level, however, it went on to champion a National Congress which would be at once an instrument of political education and economic progress.

James Pieris’s view that the Ceylon National Association was adequate for the purposes of Ceylonese politics was enthusiastically endorsed by ‘The Ceylon Morning Leader’ which reflected the opinions of politicians who preferred the cosiness of small assemblies amenable to elitist control and manipulation, and which appeared to guarantee the continuation of the comforts of a relaxed conservatism. In an editorial of 4th May, 1917, ‘The Ceylon Morning Leader’ re-iterated its position more forcefully — and opposition to the movement for the establishment of a National Congress because such an organization would inevitably become an integral part of a Sinhalese nationalist movement inimical to the interests of the Tamils, Burghers and other racial minorities. And, it might have added, prejudicial to the interests of Sinhalese Christians, and the members of the minority castes, which was precisely the point made by H. L. (later Sir Henry) de Mel in a confidential memorandum to Governor Anderson on the formation of the Ceylon Reform League.

Any study of the origin of the Ceylon National Congress must take into account the lack of enthusiasm of most members of the ‘constitutionalist’ elite, for such an organization and the positive obstruction of influential groups in it. Indeed so strong was the opposition that Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam’s sardonic comments on the formation of the Congress made on 15th March, 1921, prove on examination to be no more than a mere statement of facts.

The inaugural meeting of the Ceylon Reform League was held on 17th May, 1917. The minutes of that meeting show that there were nineteen persons present on that occasion a tiny group consisting of the "constitutionalist" leadership. The nineteen founder-members were: Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam (President), W. A. de Silva (Honorary Secretary), F. R. Senayakae (Hony. Treasurer); and H. L. de Mel, B. F. de Silva, J. W. de Silva, C. Gunasekeram, Dr. C. A. Hewawitharana, A. St. V. Jayawardane, Amadoris Mendis, James Pieris, Dr. E. V. Ratnam, E. J. Samarawickreme, O. B. Wijesekera and D. R. Wijewardene.

Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam’s standing in the country made him the obvious choice as President. His election was clearly intended to give the post of President a prestige which only he could have conferred on it. W. A. de Silva and F. R. Senanayake were elected Secretary and Treasurer respectively. The aims of the League were declared to be (1) To secure such reform of the Administration and Government of Ceylon as will give the people an effective share therein, (2) To encourage the study of questions bearing on the political, economic and social conditions of the people.

Oddly enough, though, the Ceylon Reform League and the Ceylon National Association continued to exist side by side, and indeed worked together, provoking not unmerited sarcasm from unfriendly critics. ‘The Ceylon Saturday Review’ in a special issue on Political Reform dated 30th June, 1917, commented that —

The newly established Ceylon Reform League adds another to the long list of leagues, unions, associations, clubs, societies etc. in Ceylon among a very limited number of citizens. One is amazed at the gregarious instinct in our people, while admiring without envying their energy, their enterprise, and their philanthropy. We can do nothing without forming a society, and electing a President, and as the same public spirted gentlemen are generally met in most of the other consequential societies, the President of one society happens to be only the Secretary of another, or an ordinary member in a third. But this cannot be helped. We live in an age of republics and every man should have his chance of high office.

D. B. Jayathilaka and E. W. Perera who were in London in connection with the attempt to persuade Whitehall to appoint a Commission of Inquiry into the riots of 1915, were adopted as agents of the League in London, with instructions to organize a deputation to present and support its representations.

Donoughmore Commission and Adult Franchise
Donoughmore Commission arrived in Ceylon in 1927, and was looked upon much as an act of God by the political elite of Ceylon at that time. However, its coming was pre-ordained by the contradictions inherent in the Manning Constitution of 1924, which although theoretically workable, had proved itself a cumbersome vehicle of administration in practice. A product of the canny but brontosaurian mind of the late Governor Manning, it was an antedeluvian constitution in many respects, especially when compared to the constitutional position then prevailing in India. The Donoughmore Commissioners had been sent by the Colonial Office to enquire into the state of affairs of the Island and decide upon the terms of a new, and it was hoped, more workable and politically acceptable constitution.

The Donoughmore Commission was precisely the opportunity for which the radicals had been looking. It gave them a chance to air their grievances on a well-publicised platform with four eminent Englishmen, the Earl of Donoughmore, Sir Matthew Nathan, Dr. Drummond Shiels and Sir Geoffrey Butler acting as the arbitrating tribunal. The radicals were singularly fortunate in the Colonial Office’s choice for the delicate task of deciding between the contending parties, for all the commissioners were men of liberal sentiments, the last two-named being members of the British Labour Party. Arriving from a Great Britain which was then in industrial ferment with the British labour movement flexing its muscles for some kind of showdown with the capitalist class, they were particularly susceptible to suggestions of major constitutional reform from the leaders of the Ceylon Labour movement. It is not surprising that George E. de Silva and A. E. Goonesinha should have built upon the sympathies of the Commissioners, especially those of Butler and Shiels, by presenting them with a strong and cogent case for manhood suffrage.

George E. de Silva, along with A. E. Goonesinha, had already proposed a resolution in Congress for a widening of franchise to include all those literate in any language, earning 25 rupees a month. Goonesinha, in his usual blunt fashion, had been doubtful about condoning such a diluted version of his demand for complete manhood suffrage, but George had argued that the Conservatives in Congress would be unwilling to envisage a complete male enfranchisement. It was at his juncture that the Donoughmore Commission arrived, and upset the calculations of nearly everyone, for they proved to be sympathetic towards the demand for universal franchise, thus setting the cat well and truly among the pigeons.

George E. de Silva appeared before Commission on four separate occasions. The first time, he went along with the Congress delegation, together with the President E. W. Perera, Dr. S. Muttiah, W. A. de Silva, M. A. Arulanandan, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and R. S. S Gunawardene. The delegation presented a proposal for a substantial increase in franchise., although it was a much more restrictive scheme than that which Goonesinha and George had proposed at the annual sessions earlier in the year. George’s policy in backing this more cautious scheme was, presumably, that any extension was better than none. He was in any case holding an ace up his sleeve as he intended to appear with Goonesinha later in the Commission’s investigations to ask for full manhood suffrage together with a limited female franchise. George also had a penchant for "personal appearances" in front of the Commission, for he appeared on yet another occasion with his wife, to present the demands of the Women’s Franchise Union. The fourth time he came entirely alone as the leader of the Kandy Mahajana Sabha and President of the Kandy Labour Union. George explained the position which he adopted during the investigations in his memoirs:

"Throughout the deliberations in which I participated I maintained thatAdult Franchise should be the pivot of all future constitutional reforms. I first moved this proposal at Congress but was defeated. So I was not in any position whilst representing Congress in their delegation to give full vent to my views. However, when I appeared on the fourth occasion, I was able to speak my mind fully. Along with the demand for adult franchise, I added the demand for a full franchise for women as well."

George E. de Silva’s address to the Commissioner’s in Kandy was delivered with great eclat, due no doubt to the fact that he was on his home ground.

Indian residents
The Ceylon National Congress thanks to its commitment to a narrow conception of constitutional reform never enjoyed the mass appeal of its Indian counterpart. The more influential Congress politicians were in fact a full generation beyond their contemporaries in India in their political ideas and programmes. Thus we have H. J. C. Pereira as late as 1922, in his Presidential address to the Ceylon National Congress urging his countrymen to "become Britishers in the broad sense of that word — Britishers first and Ceylonese afterwardsÉ" The Congress never at any time inspired any confidence among the younger intellectuals of the day or even the more politically conscious and forward looking individuals in the elite, who were attracted before 1931 by the idealism of Gandhi, and the Socialist groups in the Indian National Congress, and thereafter by Marxism.