How to ensure free and fair elections to the other provincial councils?
by Mahanama

The recent Wayamba provincial poll of January 25th 1999 has been described by independent monitors and opposition parties as the most corrupt and violent election in post independence Sri Lanka. The UNP and JVP as well as other parties like the New Left Front, Liberal Party and Muslim United Liberation Front as well as PA Member of Parliament, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, has called on the Commissioner of Elections to declare the Wayamba election null and void and have fresh elections to give the people their democratic right to exercise franchise without fear and intimidation. The Bishops of Chilaw and Kurunegala, Sangha Nayake's of the North Western Province, the People's Action for Free and Fair Elections, the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence' the Free Media Movement as well as other civic organisations and election monitors have called for a new election and documented evidence of massive fraud and election malpractices.

In a related development the Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgement two days later upholding the fundamental rights petition of two leading members of the Free Media Movement' Varuna Karunatilaka Sunanda Deshapriya, (two prominent members of the so-called Media Mafia) and ruled that the postponement of elections to the Western, Sabaragamuva, Central, Uva, and North Central Provincial Councils last August was invalid as there was no emergency situation in those areas. The Elections Commissioner has been ordered to hold these five provincial polls within three months.

Southern Province
The Southern Provincial Council ends its five year term in late March this year. Newspaper reports indicate that the PA Government may dissolve this council two months earlier so that this election could also be held along with the rest. Press reports indicate that the PA might also have an election to the Eastern Provincial Council. All that is needed for this to happen is a Presidential Order by Gazette Proclamation instructing the Elections Commissioner. The Eastern Province has been under Sri Lankan Government control ever since the UNP administration of President D. B. Wijetunga held local government polls there on March 2nd 1994.

Talk on the grapevine is that Annamalai Vardharaja Perumal will soon take over control of the EPRLF which will then join the People's Alliance as a formal coalition partner. The EPRLF, or at least the Perumal wing of this party, would become like the DUNF or Lalith Front led by Srimani Athulathmudali. Perumal is being talked of the PA's Chief Minister candidate for the Eastern Province. So there is the possibility that in April this year there will be a further seven provincial polls Only the Northern Province will be left out since the LTTE still controls half the Vanni despite Operation Jaya Sikuru (Sure Victory), the JOB (Joint Operations Bureau) and all that.

The million dollar question
The million dollar question though is how to ensure a free and fair election to the rest of the provinces without the benefit of democracy, thuggery, numberplateless Pajero's, and other terror tactics. How to ensure that the PA's 'Chanda Bheeshanaya and Dhuushanaya' - Election Violence and Fraud does not get the chance for a repeat performance. The PA, ably assisted by the Lake House Press, SLBC and Rupavahini, sees everything in terms of the Media Mafia, UNP exaggeration and biased Election Monitors. (The same independent media which campaigned hard for the PA's election victory in 1994).

A clue to this matter came during the Wayamba election campaign from UNP President and Opposition Leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe. He made quite a valid point that President D. B. Wijetunga ensured a free and fair election in August 1994. The election was so free and fair that Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was then Prime Minister, lost the election and the UNP became the opposition. That was over four years ago when Chandrika Kumaratunga led the PA to victory and became the Prime Minister.

Ranil Wickremesinghe's answer, mentioned also by other UNP strategists as well as JVP and Liberal Party leaders, is the establishment of an independent Police Commission and an Independent Elections Commission, like in India, Germany, the United Kingdom and other democratic countries. As Asia's oldest democracy (since 1931, with the credit for having the first peaceful transfer of power to the opposition in any Third World country in 1956) Sri Lanka should be a shining example to the rest of the world.

Curiously enough these ideas expressed by the UNP leader have already been advocated by PA Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Professor G. L. Peiris. Minister G. L. Peiris has already drafted legislation to provide for an independent Elections Commission, a national Police Commission, and also a Constitutional Council that would appoint members to these commissions. It is in fact a revival of ideas first expressed in Report of the Presidential Commission on Youth Unrest and Rebellion appointed by UNP President R. Premadasa. Professor Lakshman Jayatilaka (architect of the New Educational Reforms) was the Chairman while Professor G. L. Peiris was the Vice Chairman of the Youth Unrest Commission. In January 1990 President R. Premadasa accepted the Youth Commission Report and pledged to implement the new ideas in full during the next few years. (However, barely three years later he was assassinated by an LTTE suicide bomber on May Day in 1993).

Now, if President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe can reach a consensus, the PA and UNP combined can push through these bills and a constitutional amendment to create an Independent Police Commission, National Police Commission and the Constitutional Council by March this year so that in April 1999 we can have free and fair elections to the other seven provinces. What exactly are these proposals by Minister G. L. Peiris, on which the UNP's Gamini Dissanayake Manifesto of 1994 also seems to have agreed?

The G. L. Peiris' Proposals: Common Ground for the UNP and PA?
For purposes of public discussion Mahanama thought it best to give relevant excerpts of these proposals without comment. These are taken from the public document 'The Government's Proposals for Constitutional Reform', a publication of the Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, dated October 1997.

Elections to be free, fair and secret
109. The voting for the election of Members of Parliament and of Members of Regional Councils and at any Referendum shall be free, fair and by secret ballot.

Elections Commission
111. (1) There shall be an Elections Commission consisting of the Commissioner of Elections and such numbers of Deputy Commissioners and Assistant Commissioners as may be determined by Parliament by law.

National Police Service and National Police Commission
216. (1) (a) There shall be a National Police Service headed by the National Police Commissioner, and including the National Deputy Police Commissioners, Senior Superintendants of Police, Superintendants of Police, Assistant Superintendants of Police, and other ranks recruited at the national level.

(1) (b) There shall be a National Police Commission consisting of the National Police Commissioner and two other persons appointed by the President on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council.

Constitutional Council
122. (1) There shall be a Constitutional Council which shall consist of the following members - (a) the Speaker; (b) the Prime Minister, (e) the Leader of the Opposition, (d) the Chairman of the Chief Ministers Conference, (c) Seven Members of Parliament nominated by the Committee of Selection of Parliament, reflecting as far as practicable the different ethnic and interest groups, (f) two retired Judges of the Supreme Court or Court of Appeal, nominated by the Speaker, and who shall serve for three years.

(2) The Speaker shall be the Chairman of the Constitutional Council.

(3) It shall be the duty of the Constitutional Council to recommend to the President or the appropriate appointing authority, persons for appointment as members of the Commissions or public bodies referred to in the Schedule to this article or in such law, whenever the occasion for such appointment arises, and such recommendations shall reflect, as far as practicable, the different ethnic and interest groups.

SCHEDULE
(a) the National Public Services Commission,

(b) the Permanent Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption,

(c) the Official Languages Commission,

(d) the University Grants Commission,

(e) the Elections Commission,

(f) the Finance Commission.

Appointment to certain offices with the approval of the Constitutional Commissions.

124. (3) It shall be the duty of the President or the appropriate appointing authority to submit for approval to the Constitutional Council, names of persons for appointment to any of the offices or public bodies referred to in the Schedule to this Article or such law, whenever the occasion for such appointment arises.

SCHEDULE
(a) the Attorney-General,

(b) the Heads of the Army, Navy and Air Force and the National Police Service,

(c) the Commissioner of Elections,

(d) the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration (Ombudsman),

(e) the Auditor-General.


Book Review
Fifty Years of Sri Lanka's Independence
By Dr. M. Ranji P. Salgado

In mid-1997, Professor Indraratna conceived the idea of publishing a comprehensive review of socio-economic developments during the first fifty years of independent Sri Lanka to coincide with the Independence Golden Jubilee celebrations commencing on February 4, 1998. The review, which Professor Indraratna would organize and edit, was to address ''major issues, such as (i) whether the newly won political freedom has been effectively used to provide economic freedom and social justice to all sections of the Sri Lankan people, (ii) how much economic and social progress has been achieved since 1948, (iii) what have been Sri Lanka's successes and in what spheres they have been made, (iv) where has Sri Lanka failed, and (v) whether or not the policies pursued have been proved right.'' These were very ambitious goals, sought to be achieved through a publication to be produced within roughly a 6-month time frame. Readers of the publication may have different views as to how fully these goals have been met. What is undeniable is that Professor Indraratna coped with the challenge of the tight deadline he had set for himself and brought out an informative and handsome commemorative volume by the due date.

The publications consists of 29 chapters covering a variety of subjects at either national and sectoral level. Space does not permit a full listing here of the subjects covered. Suffice it to say that they range from broad perspectives of constitutional, demographic, political and macro-economic developments to more narrowly focussed sectoral studies, viz. of agriculture, industry, fisheries, forestry, education, health, housing, transport, ports, tourism, insurance etc. The studies were prepared by 29 specialists, including the editor, many of whom are scholars of professionals outstanding in their fields.

Not surprisingly for a compilation of studies on a large number of subjects done under stringent time constraints, the studies vary somewhat in quality. While most of them will probably be adjudged by knowledgeable readers to be well-written and authoritative, a few appear to fall short of desirable levels of analysis and presentation. Despite this, contents of the volume are of such general interest and their overall quality is so high as to make the volume a valuable addition to the socio-economic literature on Sri Lanka. In particular, libraries and research institutes both here and abroad might find it useful to have the volume as a handy reference source for their readers. The publication should also find a place as an attractive souvenir item in home libraries.

However, the publication in its present hard cover format may be above the reach of students and most general readers. I would therefore strongly recommend to Professor Indraratna that in due course he should bring out a fully revised edition of this compilation paperback form to reach a wider market. In case he wishes to follow up on this idea, I would also offer the following suggestions:

(i) Given the size of the present hardback publication, a paperback version will probably have to be published as a two-volume set. In that case, the general or national level studies could be separated from the sectoral studies, instead of being intermingled as at present, and brought together in the first volume while the sectoral studies constitute the second.

(ii) Some of the studies in the present volume stop short of covering the entire 50-year time span, perhaps partly because some data for recent years might not have been available at the time the studies were prepared. All such studies could be updated in the revised edition so as to cover developments at least through the end of 1977.

(iii) The few studies that show weaknesses of analysis and presentation need to be revised. Even the other studies should be carefully scrutinized to weed out factual or typographical errors which are present even in a few of the high quality papers, perhaps because of the time pressures resulting from the tight deadline. Consistency between the textual analysis and the data in the accompanying statistical tables, which seems to be lacking in a few papers, should also be ensured.

With such improvements, an with an attractive price for the paperback volumes, the publication should become accessible to a much wider general readership as well as enhance its indispensability as a source of reference material for many years to come.


Christian conversion and Tamil separatism
By Kamalika Pieris

This article contains supplementary material which could not be incorporated into the earlier piece titled 'Christianity and Tamil separatism'. In that article it was pointed out that many of those who actively supported Tamil separatism were Christians.

The natural base for Christianity is Europe. It is in Europe that Christianity grew and flourished. Europe was the cradle of the Roman Catholic faith and also major Protestant sects, such as Lutheran and Calvanist churches. It has been suggested that Christianity spread around the world and survived when other religious cults disappeared, because Christianity is the true religion. It may be a true religion, but its global spread was not due to its religious appeal. Christianity arrived in the non-Christian world as a part of European exploitation. Christianity accompanied the European powers, who, started to conquer other countries from the 16th century onwards. In all the countries and continents they invaded, these European powers engaged in a deliberate policy of completely annihilating the existing pre-Christian civilizations. The Inuit, Indian, Aboriginal, Maori, cultures were squashed and a Christian culture, biased towards western civilisation was put in its place. This is how North America, Canada, South America, Australia, New Zealand, the Pacific Ocean islands and a good part of Africa were turned into Christian countries. The only landmass which resisted this Christian invasion was Asia. Here the Christian missionaries found it impossible to dislodge the three existing religions, Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism.

Christianity has an ugly record in Sri Lanka. It was introduced by the colonial powers. The Roman Catholic religion was introduced by the Portuguese, who announced that they had come for 'Christians and Spices'. The Dutch and British introduced various Protestant sects, such as the Dutch Reformed Church and Anglican Church. The propagation of Christianity was done in a forced, ruthless manner. The intention was to completely eradicate Buddhism and replace it with Christianity. Temples were systematically destroyed, temple land was taken over and priests expelled. Employment was given only to those who converted to Christianity. The best jobs were given to the Christians. The education system was almost completely in the hands of the Christian missionaries who used it as a means of converting.

Despite this Christianity failed to take root. The percentage of Christians in Sri Lanka never exceeded 10%. In India it was even worse, about 3% and these were from the lowest castes. The Christian community of Sri Lanka hotly resented the erosion of their privileges. They also deeply resented the dominant position of Buddhism. The Christians and the Tamils, who constituted a major portion of Christians, lay low during 1960-1980. Both groups were simply waiting for new opportunities to re-assert their dominance. This new approach could be seen in their vocal opposition to Buddhism as the state religion. They want to dislodge Buddhism from this position. Therefore they call for a secular state. However they do not ask for secular education.

From the 1960's there started a fresh attempt to expand Christianity in Asia. The 2nd Vatican Council of the Roman Catholic Church, (1962-1966) recognised other cultures and other religions. It set up a Vatican Secretariat for non-Christians, now called 'Pontifical Council for Inter-religious dialogue'. There is also the Vatican Congregation for propogation of the Faith. (Fr. Aloysius Pieris. "Buddhism and Christianity" by Ulrich Everting. 1995 p 203, 208). This permitted the Catholic Church to try a new line of influence, by linking with other religions, instead of opposing them. However, even before that, the Protestant sects, wo, in any case had greater freedom of action, had started on the same line of approach. For example Bishop Lakdasa de Mel established a retreat house, called 'aramaya' where Christians and Buddhist nuns and monks could meet and pray (Pieris p 224). A series of 'Interreligious dialogues' were started. Christians were interested in similarities and differences between Buddhism and Christianity. There were even tabulations of these differences. (Fr. Pieris Dialogue. Vol. 22, 1995 p 122-123).

It is interesting to note that Christianity is alone in this interest in comparative religion. The other three religions, Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam do not appear to be at all interested in comparing themselves to Christianity. One aspect of this new approach is to link hands with other religions on the common platform of social and community action. There was Lakrivi which was a movement for children of any religion, to build up active, creative, well motivated, morally upright and religious inspired generation of children. (Pieris p 209) It was also helpful to link hands with Buddhism. The Rev. Yohan Devananda started a meditation centre where there were joint prayers by Buddhists and Christians. (N. Abeysinghe. ' The radical tradition' Colombo, Ecumenical Institute, 1985 p 106) Actually prayer is not a feature of Buddhism.

The main purpose of studying the other religions was to provide a Christian theology which was both authentically Christian and authentically Sri Lankan. In short to present Christianity in a manner acceptable to Buddhists so that they could convert to Christianity in an easy painless manner. However it is necessary to point out at this stage, a perfectly legitimate third world approach to this. Fr. Tissa Balasuriya, among others has argued that it is possible to separate out the essence of Christian teaching, from the European trappings it came wrapped up in. It is certainly possible to agree with this.

In order to plan the new strategy, the Christian Church first embarked on a careful study of their previous strategy, to see where it went wrong. As a result there is now a huge amount of substantial research on the confrontation between Buddhism and Christianity in Sri Lanka. These are sponsored by the Christian Church and researched into by Christian scholars. For example Elizabeth Harris did her Ph.D at University of Kelaniya, on British encounters with Buddhism in the 19th century, (1993) In 1995 she was secretary for Relations with People of other Faiths, Methodist Church of Great Britain. (Dialogue Vol. 22 1995 p 125) Then there is R. F. Young and S. Jebanesan 'The Hindu Christian controversies of 19th century Ceylon' and R. F. Young and G. V. P. Somaratne 'The Buddhist, Christian controversies of 19th century Ceylon' both published by the University of Vienna, 1995, 1996. All three authors are Christian. The intensity with which the Christian Church is researching into this, in order to plan the next campaign, can be seen in the comment of a reviewer, K. M. de Silva. K. M. de Silva says that Young and Somaratna provide a ball by ball account of the arguments used in the numerous Buddhist-Christian debates of the period. 'Hitherto one had to search the shelves of several libraries before one could get a record of all the debates.' (Ethnic Studies Reports. Vol 16 (1) 1998 p 123).

The contemporary Christian search for a meaningful presence in a multi-religious Sri Lanka goes on, but there are hiccups. Pope John Paul II wrote a book called 'Crossing the threshold of Hope' (1995) where he had dropped several bricks about Buddhism. This came up on his visit to Sri Lanka in 1995. The journal Dialogue ran a full issue, painfully analysing the responses to this from Catholics and Buddhists alike. It was analysed from every conceivable angle. The Buddhist approach can be summed up in words of Rev. Dhammavihari in Island 18.12.94 and reprinted in Dialogue, (Vol. 22 1995 p 6-7) His reply, section of which I give below, indicates conclusively the attitude of Buddhists to Christianity and the little regard they seem to have for the new strategies of Christianity.

'The Pope has managed to upset a Buddhist hornets' nest through misunderstanding Buddhism. This is true and the Pope seems to do this quite often. The flawed comments on Buddhism which the Pope has set out and other comments in his book relating to eastern religions, are clear transparencies of his reaction, influenced by his dogged fundamentalism in the face of challenges the Catholic Church is faced with in the modern world.

The Pope's fundamental thesis which he wants everybody else in the world to accept appears to be that God created the world and entrusted it to man, (apparently admitting all the defects of production and the need to put them right), requiring him to strive as his task for its transformation and perfection (p. 88 of his book). More than two millennia of world history is proving today that both parties are labouring under a delusion. Little or nothing of the promises have ever been fulfilled. Neither man nor the world has been transformed or perfected.

Buddhism's message is that the miscreant or miscreated man (or with whatever other assessment he is presented), must first discover and discipline himself and put himself in a proper relationship with the world in which he lives. That logically and invariably eliminates the need to look for a Redeemer besides oneself. That is the idea of culture of bhavana (meditation) in Buddhism. Such personal self-culture brings about total harmony in the universe. The choice is yours. It is presumptuous and makes little sense for anyone from any pedestal to ask of the Buddhist 'Do we draw near to God in this way? (p. 86 of his book). This is tantamount to theological steamrollering.

As an expression of our friendly but very precise and honest stand in these matters, let me reproduce some portions of a welcome note we have already sent up, well before these uncalled for and distasteful comments about Buddhism came to light, relating to the visit of His Holiness:

'The Buddha was tolerant and inoffensive in the presentation of his point of view to others. At the same time, he displayed a positive reluctance and a total dislike to invade the territories of others. He desisted from expanding his religious frontiers through conquests or conversions. In all lands where the Buddhist religion spread, it was warmly received and welcomed.

'Buddhism did not choose the people. People chose Buddhism. Such is the story of Buddhism in Sri Lanka too. With more than seventy per cent of the population of Sri Lanka being within the territory of Buddhism, segments of the major religions of the world like Hinduism, Christianity and Islam have existed in this country up to date.' Dialogue Vol 22 (1995 p 6-7)

Christians see it as their duty to spread the Gospel. At the Methodist Church conference in September 1998, 'among the items discussed that gathered momentum was the question of taking the gospel to people of other faiths while recognising their beliefs and culture' (Daily News 16.9.98 p 9).

Muslims and Hindus have reacted very sharply to Christian conversion. There is now an aggressive resurgence of Christian missionary enterprise in Asia. The Arab and Hindu countries have responded to this equally swiftly and aggressively. They see it as dishonest conversion. In the Maldives they arrested a Group who were engaged in converting Maldivians to Christianity. Saudi Arabia jailed ten Christians for possessing Bibles and preaching the Christian scriptures. (Island 8.7.98 p 5) In Pakistan several persons who had converted to Christianity had been killed. (Sunday Times Plus. 27.9.98 p 12) In Indonesia, Muslim mobs attacked and killed Christians. They also ransacked and burnt several churches. (Island 24.11.98 p 6) Maldives, Pakistan and Indonesia are Muslim countries. India is partly Hindu and partly Muslim. Christian missionaries and churches had been attacked in various parts of India. In Gujarat, Hindu activists had attacked priests saying that Christians were forcing people specially the poor to take up their religion. (Island 4.12.98 p 15) They said that the CIA was secretly aiding the Christian missionaries, giving funds as part of a global evangelisation plan. (Daily News. 5.1.99 p 10)

Hemal Pieris, replying to my earlier observations on Christianity stated that both Christianity and Buddhism were engaged in missionary work. He made no comment on the different methods used. (Sunday leader 3.5.98 p 20)

Here is how the Maldives see conversion to Christianity:

'Reference the statement in The Sunday Times of August 2, by a Christian evangelical movement in Sri Lanka appealing for the release of prisoners of conscience in the Maldive Islands, I wish to state a few facts which have been cleverly hidden by missionaries not only in the Maldives but also in Sri Lanka.

One strategy that is adopted is based on total deception. Books with Islamic calligraphy and terminology have been printed to fool the uninitiated Muslims into believing that the material is of Islamic teachings. Also a special radio broadcast to the Maldives under the guise of pop music is aired every week. Actually this is yet another missionary tactic. In this programme questions are raised about the authenticity of the Islamic teachings, which are 'attacked' in a subtle way, while Christianity is portrayed in bright colours.

The target group of these missionaries are young people (most of them in their teens). A pamphlet distributed by this organisation confirms this. These young people have still to learn about Islam. But as we all know young people are eager to be fashionable and want to catch up with the latest fashions.

They are easy prey for westernisation. It doesn't seem decent to hoodwink young children when they are in this frame of mind. I am sure no Christian will tolerate missionaries of another religion tapping their children when they go through this phase of life. Christian missionaries will do better if they talk to Muslims who know their religion and a little bit of comparative religion. Muslims have quite a few things to say to the Christians on this subject.'
(Sunday Times 16/8/98 p 4)


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